Trade
Highlights The odds of a continued earnings contraction have not yet fallen to the point that would warrant an overweight stance towards Chinese versus global stocks over the coming 6-12 months. While we maintain Chinese stocks on upgrade watch and may recommend increasing exposure soon, the bottom line for investors is that it is still too early for us to confidently project a sustained uptrend. While most investors attribute the chronic discount of Chinese stocks relative to the global average as being due to a sizeable equity risk premium, our analysis suggests that China’s low payout ratio and mediocre earnings growth are the true causes. This implies that China’s re-rating potential is capped barring a major structural improvement in earnings growth. Investors should pay close attention to the details of a U.S./China currency stability pact that will reportedly be included in any trade deal between the two countries. Such a pact may set up an important natural experiment for CNY/USD, and could be a revelatory event for China’s exchange rate regime. Feature Last week’s FOMC meeting dominated the headlines of the financial press, and for good reason. The Fed surprised investors with a material downgrade to their expected path of the federal funds rate over the next three years, a shift that largely reflected concerns about global growth. The subsequent inversion of the U.S. 10-year / 3-month yield curve in response to the very disappointing euro area flash manufacturing PMI for March confirms that many investors remain convinced that Fed policy is too tight and that easing is likely over the coming year.1 On the positive side, investor concerns that reflationary policy is needed in the U.S. and euro area are likely overblown: the plunge in the euro area PMI at least in part reflects the near-term uncertainty over the possibility of a hard Brexit (which will probably be avoided), whereas the Fed is pausing at a level of real interest rates that is well below real GDP growth, which means that monetary policy is still stimulative for the U.S. economy (Chart 1). Chart 1U.S. Monetary Policy Is Still Stimulative But Chart 2 highlights that a generalized slowdown in global growth is responsible for at least part of the sharp weakness in Chinese export growth over the past few months, which we had been mostly attributing to a catch-up phase following a (perversely and ironically) beneficial tariff front-running effect that had temporarily boosted trade growth last year. Chart 2Global Weakness At Least Partly Responsible For A Sharp Export Slowdown Ongoing weakness in the global economy, were it to persist, would imply that China’s external demand outlook is even less encouraging than we had previously assumed. This would raise the stakes for a trade deal with the U.S. to be agreed upon soon, as well as a continued uptrend in the pace of Chinese credit growth. Investors should closely watch the new export orders component of the March NBS manufacturing PMI later this week for signs that exporter sentiment is improving, as well as the overall Caixin PMI to confirm that smaller firms continue to benefit from the PBOC’s targeted easing efforts. When Should Investors Upgrade Chinese Stocks On A Cyclical Basis? In our view, most global investors have been focused on the wrong risk factor for Chinese stocks for the better part of the past year. In the wake of the near-vertical February rise in Chinese domestic stocks, the most common question we have received from clients is whether they should be increasing their cyclical exposure to Chinese stocks in general, and A-shares in particular. In response to the January surge in credit we placed Chinese stocks on upgrade watch in our February 27 Weekly Report,2 but we are not yet ready to recommend an outright cyclical overweight. Investors should be at the ready and aiming, but should not yet fire. In our view, most global investors have been focused on the wrong risk factor for Chinese stocks for the better part of the past year. We have noted in several previous reports that investors have focused nearly exclusively on the U.S.-China trade war since the beginning of 2018, and have largely ignored a slowing domestic economy (Chart 3). Given this, it is not surprising that a sharp improvement in the odds of a deal (which occurred at the beginning of November) has led to a material rally over the past few months versus global stocks. Chart 3The Prospect Of A Trade Deal Has Been The Primary Driver Of China-Related Assets In fact, we predicted in our December 5 Weekly Report that positive sentiment about a deal would boost the relative performance of Chinese stocks over the coming few months, and recommended a tactical overweight stance at that time.3 A cyclical (i.e. 6-12 month) overweight, however, is a different story. Sentiment alone rarely drives financial markets over a 1-year time horizon, meaning that investors need to have some degree of confidence that domestic demand will meaningfully improve over the next 12 months to justify a cyclical upgrade. Certainly, we acknowledge that there have been several positive developments pointing to such an outcome. Chinese monetary conditions have become extremely easy, credit is no longer contracting and surged in January, the Caixin PMI rose notably in February, and some form of a trade deal remains the most likely outcome of the ongoing talks. In addition, Chinese stocks still remain significantly below their 2018 peak (Chart 4), meaning that there is still material potential upside if Chinese earnings do not contract. Chart 4Chinese Stocks Still Have Room To Rise If The Earnings Outlook Stabilizes A moderate credit expansion appears to be underway, but coincident activity continues to weaken and earnings appear to have more downside. However, there are also several reasons to be cautious cyclically: Chart 5The Past Three Months Imply A Moderate Credit Uptrend Chart 6Chinese Coincident Economic Activity Continues To Weaken Chinese and U.S. policymakers have not only failed to set a date for an agreement to be signed by President’s Xi and Trump, but recent new reports suggest that momentum may be slowing and that a meeting may be postponed until June or later.4 Even if the deal does not fall through, material further delays could cause investors to get anxious and vote with their feet. Such a selloff could be violent, given the extremely sharp rise in domestic stock prices over the past six weeks. The evidence so far points to a moderate expansion in credit (Chart 5), reflecting the fact that policymakers are still somewhat concerned about financial stability and the need to prevent significant further leveraging of the private sector. This means that the odds are not yet in favor of a credit “overshoot” like what occurred in 2015/2016, implying that the pickup in growth is likely to be comparatively weaker this time around. Since 2010, monetary conditions and money & credit growth appear to be the best predictors of investment-relevant Chinese economic activity.5 While a moderate credit expansion appears to be underway, there has been no discernable pickup in money growth.6 This discrepancy likely means that the recent improvement in credit has occurred due to non-bank financial institutions, further suggesting that this economic recovery will probably be less powerful and less broad-based than during past cycles. While a moderate expansion in credit does suggest that China’s economy will bottom at some point in the coming months, coincident economic activity continues to decelerate (Chart 6). A continuation of this trend, particularly if coupled with an investor “crisis of faith” in the trade talks, could lead to a very significant retracement in Chinese equity prices before durably bottoming for the year. Trailing EPS growth is decelerating, but it has yet to contract on a year-over-year basis as would be implied by the net earnings revisions ratio (Chart 7) and the coincident activity indicators shown in Chart 6. Chinese investable EPS fell 30% during the 2015/2016 episode (20% for domestic stocks), implying meaningful further downside even if economic activity does not weaken as significantly over the coming months. Chart 7Net Earnings Revisions Point To More Downside For Earnings Chart 8 presents a helpful way for investors to make a net assessment of all of the factors highlighted above. The chart shows our earnings recession model for the MSCI China Index, and shows what is likely to occur if a trade deal causes a full recovery in Chinese exporter sentiment, China’s export-weighted RMB stays roughly at current levels, and the very recent pace of credit growth (Dec-Feb) continues along its trend. Chart 8A Trade Deal And A Moderate Credit Expansion Will Likely Stabilize The Earnings Outlook This scenario, were it to occur, would reduce the odds of a continued earnings contraction to the point that we would be comfortable recommending an overweight stance towards Chinese versus global stocks over the coming 6-12 months. While such a recommendation could come as soon as mid-April, the bottom line for investors is that it is still too early for us to confidently project this outcome. Should Chinese Stocks Be Priced At A Premium Or A Discount To Global Stocks? Most investors attribute the discount applied to Chinese stocks to a high equity risk premium (ERP), but our work paints a different picture. Besides questions about the appropriate cyclical allocation to Chinese stocks, the recent spike in interest among global investors towards A-shares has also led to a renewed focus about the degree to which Chinese stocks are cheap versus the global average. In a world where many financial assets are chronically expensive and Chinese policymakers appear to be responding to weaker economic activity, some investors question whether Chinese stocks deserve to be priced at a discount (Chart 9). Our sense is that most investors attribute the discount to a high equity risk premium (ERP) stemming from the enormous rise in Chinese non-financial corporate debt over the past decade, but our research paints a different picture. Chart 9The Chinese Equity Discount: A High ERP, Or Something More Sinister? One way of analyzing the risk premium of an equity market is to use the well-known constant Gordon growth model. Equation 1 below presents the theoretically justified 12-month trailing P/E ratio as a function of the payout ratio, the risk-free rate, the ERP, and the long-term dividend growth rate (which is equal to the long-term earnings growth rate given a constant payout ratio). Equations 2 and 3 re-arrange equation 1 to express the ERP and long-term growth rate, respectively, on the left-hand side of the equation. Equation 1: P0/E0 = (D1/E0)/(rf + ERP – g) Equation 2: ERP = [(D1/E0)/(P0/E0)] + g - rf Equation 3: g = rf + ERP-[(D1/E0)/(P0/E0)] To illustrate the approach, Chart 10 applies equation 2 to the U.S. equity market and compares it with the annual dividend discount model equity risk premium published by Professor Aswath Damodaran from New York University’s Stern School of Business,7 a well-known expert in the theory and practice of asset valuation. While there are some differences in the level of the series owing to slightly different methodologies, the overall profile of the two series is generally similar. Chart 10Our DDM Methodology For The U.S. Generates Results Similar To Other Important Estimates Proxying the market’s long-term growth expectations in a large, mature economy such as the U.S. is materially easier than is the case in an emerging market such as China. As such, instead of solving for the equity risk premium directly when judging whether China’s discount is “deserved”, we use equation 3 to solve for the implied long-term growth rate given an assumed (and very conservative) ERP range of 2-3%, using the global P/E ratio. In other words, we ask the following question: what kind of earnings growth do Chinese stocks need to achieve over the long run in order to justify the same earnings multiple as the global average, given an equity risk premium of 2-3%? Chart 11 presents the answer to this question, for both the domestic and the investable market. We use domestic 10-year bond yields as the risk-free rate in the case of the A-share market, and U.S. 10-year bond yields in the case of the MSCI China index as a proxy for the global risk-free rate. Finally, in each panel, the dashed horizontal lines denote the actual compound annual growth rate in earnings per share for each market, since the year noted next to each line. Chart 11A Low But Still Difficult L/T Earnings Hurdle Rate To Be Priced In Line With Global Stocks Two important points are apparent from the chart: The required growth rate for both markets to be priced in line with global stocks are quite low, well below Chinese nominal GDP growth. At first blush, this might suggest that the valuation discount applied to China reflects a sizeable equity risk premium that could shrink over the coming 6-12 months (i.e. a beneficial re-rating of Chinese stocks). Since 2010 or 2011, actual growth rates in EPS are materially above the required growth range in both markets. However, over more recent time horizons, particularly 2013 and later, actual earnings growth has not only been below the range but has also been extremely poor in absolute terms. This is particularly true for the investable market, which has actually recorded negative growth in 12-month trailing EPS since 2014 or 2015. A dividend discount model approach suggests that the Chinese equity market discount is justified, barring a major structural improvement in earnings growth. Chart 12 highlights the problem with China’s stock market in a nutshell. For both the investable and domestic equity markets, the dividend payout ratio is well below the global average. This is a normal circumstance for small companies with high growth potential; firms re-invest a high portion of their earnings back into the company in order to build out their asset base and deliver even higher earnings in the future. Chart 12The Chinese Discount Visualized: A Low Payout Ratio, And Mediocre Earnings Growth But panel 2 of Chart 12 shows that relative earnings for Chinese stocks versus the global average have not trended higher over the past decade, meaning that a higher earnings retention ratio among Chinese stocks has not led to a superior earnings profile. In response, global investors have rightly discounted Chinese stocks versus their global peers, a circumstance that is likely to continue unless Chinese earnings growth materially and sustainably improves. Our analysis implies that there is a natural limit to how far Chinese equities can ultimately be re-rated barring a major structural improvement in the economy, a factor that we may eventually have to contend with were we to recommend a cyclical overweight stance. Capped re-rating potential is unlikely to prevent Chinese stocks from trending higher in relative terms if economic fundamentals warrant an uptrend, but it may suggest that the duration or magnitude of the rise may be shorter than many investors hope. A Sino-U.S. Trade Deal: A Natural Currency Experiment In The Making? What explains the link between CNY-USD and the interest rate differential between the two countries? Finally, a brief note on the RMB. Since June 2018, changes in CNY-USD appear to have been closely aligned with the magnitude of proposed tariffs as a share of Chinese exports to the U.S., as would be implied in a simple open economy model with flexible exchange rates. Chart 13shows the levels implied by this framework in a variety of tariff scenarios, calculated based on the percent decline from the peak in the exchange rate in 1H 2018. As noted in our March 13 Weekly Report,8 CNY-USD today is consistent with the current tariff regime, implying potential upside if a trade deal with the U.S. rolls back some of the tariffs that have been imposed. Chart 13A Simple Equilibrium Framework Suggests CNY-USD May Rise Materially Further If Tariffs Are Rolled Back However, Chart 14 shows that CNY-USD has been closely correlated with the interest rate differential between the two countries for several years, with the relationship having recently become a leading one. Chart 14 highlights that CNY-USD has moved higher than the rate differential would imply (painting the opposite picture as that shown in Chart 13), suggesting that the currency is more likely to depreciate than appreciate over the coming 6-12 months barring tighter monetary policy in China or outright rate cuts in the U.S. Chart 14Will Policymakers Or Rate Differentials Drive CNY-USD Over The Coming Year? The relationship shown in Chart 14 is surprising, and we have struggled to understand the exact dynamics at play. As we highlighted in a September report,9 many global investors take the relationship for granted, given the strong historical link between interest rate differentials and exchange rates in developed countries. However, a major problem that arises in explaining Chart 14 is the fact that uncovered interest rate arbitrage (or the “carry trade”) cannot easily occur or cannot occur at all when one or both countries involved maintains capital controls. It is an important conundrum, and one that we have not been able to solve. From our perspective, there are only two scenarios that explain the close relationship between the exchange rate and interest rate differentials between the two countries: The relationship is causal, implying that capital flows in and out of the country are sufficiently large to enable a carry trade. The two series are correlated because of a third factor related in some way to the other two. In our view, scenario 1 is not likely. Capital is flowing out of China, but at a much slower rate than before,10 and the relationship shown in Chart 14 did not break down following China’s capital crackdown in 2015/2016. Ruling out scenario 1 necessarily implies that scenario 2 is correct. Our best guess concerning the missing third factor is that Chinese policymakers are looking to the rate differential as a guide to set the exchange rate, in order to mimic a market-based exchange rate in support of China’s goals to progressively liberalize (and internationalize) the currency. If true, this implies that China has full control of their exchange rate regardless of the prevailing interest rate differential, but that they are often choosing to follow what the differential implies. This is significant, because if Chinese and U.S. negotiators do agree to a “yuan stability pact” as has been reported in the press, a trade deal may set up an important natural experiment for the currency. In our view, a major upward move in the rate differential is unlikely over the coming year, implying that CNY-USD will persistently deviate from the relationship shown in Chart 14 if President Trump is not inclined to tolerate any real weakness in the RMB over the coming year. While the details of the currency agreement and the trade agreement more generally could allow for some decline in CNY-USD if coupled with an offsetting benefit for the U.S. (such as materially higher U.S. exports to China for some period), our bias is to believe that President Trump does not want to see a stronger dollar over the coming year in the lead-up to the 2020 election. If true, investors should pay close attention to the behavior of CNY-USD, as it is stands to be a revelatory event for China’s exchange rate regime. Jonathan LaBerge, CFA, Vice President Special Reports jonathanl@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see U.S. Bond Strategy and Global Fixed Income Strategy Weekly Reports “The New Battleground For Monetary Policy” and “Forward Guidance On Steroids”, dated March 26, 2019, for a detailed update on our view for Fed rate hikes and how investors should interpret the recent inversion in the yield curve. 2 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “Dealing With A (Largely) False Narrative”, dated February 27, 2019, available at cis.bcaresearch.com 3 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “2019 Key Views: Four Themes For China In The Coming Year”, dated December 5, 2018, available at cis.bcaresearch.com 4 Please see “Some U.S. Officials Said To See China Walking Back Trade Pledges”, Bloomberg News, dated March 19, 2019, and “Donald Trump-Xi Jinping meeting to end US-China trade war may be pushed back to June, sources say”, South China Morning Post. 5 Please see China Investment Strategy Special Report, “The Data Lab: Testing The Predictability Of China’s Business Cycle”, dated November 30, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com 6 Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, “EM: A Sustainable Rally Or A False Start?”, dated March 7, 2019, available at ems.bcaresearch.com 7 Please see Professor Damodoran’s website for more information on his estimates of the equity risk premium. 8 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “China Macro And Market Review”, dated March 13, 2019, available at cis.bcaresearch.com 9 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “Moderate Releveraging And Currency Stability: An Impossible Dream?”, dated September 5, 2018, available at cis.bcaresearch.com 10 Please see China Investment Strategy Special Report, “Monitoring Chinese Capital Outflows”, dated March 20, 2019, available at cis.bcaresearch.com Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations
Highlights Global equities will remain rangebound for the next month or so, but should move decisively higher as economic green shoots emerge in the spring. A revival in global growth will cause the recent rally in the U.S. dollar to stall out and reverse direction, setting the stage for a period of dollar weakness that could last until the second half of next year. Rising inflation will force the Fed to turn considerably more hawkish in late-2020 or early-2021. This will cause the dollar to surge once more. The combination of a stronger dollar and higher interest rates will trigger a recession in the U.S. in 2021, which will spread to the rest of the world. Investors should maintain a bullish stance towards global equities for the next 12 months, but look to reduce exposure at some point next year. Feature Stocks Temporarily Stuck In The Choppy Trading Range We argued at the end of February that global equities and other risk assets would likely enter a choppy trading range in March as investors nervously awaited the economic data to improve.1 Recent market action has been consistent with this thesis, with the MSCI All-Country World Index falling nearly 3% at the start of the month, only to recoup its losses over the past few days. We expect stocks to remain in a holding pattern over the coming weeks, as investors look for more evidence that global growth is bottoming out. The U.S. dollar is a countercyclical currency, meaning that it moves in the opposite direction of global growth (Chart 1). This countercyclicality stems from the fact that the U.S. economy is more geared towards services than manufacturing compared with the rest of the world. This makes the U.S. a low-beta play on global growth (Chart 2). As such, when global growth accelerates, capital tends to flow from the U.S. to the rest of the world, translating into more demand for foreign currency and less demand for dollars. Chart 1The Dollar Is A Countercyclical Currency Chart 2The U.S. Is A Low-Beta Play On Global Growth Given the dollar’s countercyclical nature, it is not surprising that the slowdown in global growth over the past 12 months has given the greenback a lift. The broad trade-weighted dollar has strengthened by almost 8% since February 2018, putting it near the top of its post 2015-range (Chart 3). Chart 3The Dollar Has Gotten A Lift From Global Growth Disappointments Stocks Will Rally And The Dollar Will Weaken Starting In The Spring We expect the U.S. dollar to strengthen over the coming weeks as global economic data continues to underwhelm. However, an improvement in leading economic indicators in the spring will set the stage for a reacceleration in global growth and a decline in the dollar in the second half of this year. The combination of stronger growth and a weaker dollar later this year should be highly supportive of global equities. Equity investors with a 12-month horizon should overlook any near-term weakness and maintain a bullish bias towards stocks. We do not have a strong view on U.S. versus international equities at the moment, but expect to upgrade the latter once we see more confirmatory evidence that global growth is bottoming out. Equity investors with a 12-month horizon should overlook any near-term weakness and maintain a bullish bias towards stocks. A Stronger China Will Lead To A Weaker Dollar Our expectation that the dollar will weaken in the second half of this year hinges on what happens to China. The deceleration in global growth in 2018 was largely the consequence of China’s deleveraging campaign. China’s slowdown led to a falloff in capital spending throughout the world. Weaker Chinese growth also put downward pressure on the yuan, pulling other EM currencies lower with it (Chart 4). All this occurred alongside an escalation in trade tensions, further dampening business sentiment. Chart 4EM Currencies Are Off Their Early 2018 Highs While it is too early to signal the all-clear on the trade front, the news of late has been encouraging. A recent Bloomberg story described how Trump watched approvingly as Asian stocks rose and U.S. futures rallied following his decision to delay the scheduled increase in tariffs on Chinese goods.2 As a self-professed master negotiator, Trump needs to secure a deal with China before next year‘s presidential election, while also convincing American voters that the deal was concluded on favorable terms for the United States. Reaching a deal with China early on in his term would have been risky if the agreement had failed to bring down the bilateral trade deficit — an entirely likely outcome given how pro-cyclical U.S. fiscal policy currently is. At this point, however, Trump can crow about making a great deal with China while reassuring voters that the product of his brilliance will be realized after he has been re-elected. This means that we are entering a window over the next 12 months where Trump will want to strike a deal. For their part, the Chinese want as much negotiating leverage with the Trump administration as they can muster. This means being able to convincingly demonstrate that their economy is strong enough to handle the repercussions from turning down a trade deal that fails to serve their interests. Since the credit cycle is the dominant driver of Chinese growth, this requires putting the deleveraging campaign on the backburner. Admittedly, credit growth surprised on the downside in February. However, this followed January’s strong showing. Averaging out the two months, credit growth appears to be stabilizing on a year-over-year basis. Conceptually, it is the change in credit growth that correlates with GDP growth.3 Thus, merely going from last year’s pattern of falling credit growth to stable credit growth would still imply a positive credit impulse and hence, an uptick in GDP growth. In practice, we suspect that the Chinese authorities will prefer that credit growth not only stabilize but increase modestly. In the past, this outcome has transpired whenever credit growth has fallen towards nominal GDP growth (Chart 5). The prospect of a rebound in credit growth in March was hinted at by the PBOC, which spun the weak February data as being caused by “seasonal factors.” Chart 5Historically, China Has Scaled Back On Deleveraging When Credit Growth Has Fallen Close To Nominal GDP Growth Europe: Down But Not Out Stronger growth in China will help European exporters. Euro area domestic demand will also benefit from a rebound in German automobile production, the winding down of the “yellow vest” protests in France, and incrementally easier fiscal policy. In addition, the ECB’s new TLTRO facility should support credit formation, particularly in Italy where the banks remain heavily reliant on ECB funding. Our expectation that the dollar will weaken in the second half of this year hinges on what happens to China. Euro area financial conditions have eased significantly over the past three months, which bodes well for growth in the remainder of the year. It is encouraging that the composite euro area PMI has rebounded to a three-month high. The expectations component of the euro area confidence index has also moved up relative to the current situation component, which suggests further upside for the PMI in the coming months (Chart 6). Chart 6Easing Financial Conditions Bode Well For Euro Area Growth The selloff in EUR/USD since last March has been largely driven by a decline in euro area interest rate expectations (Chart 7). If euro area growth accelerates in the back half of the year, the market will probably price back in a few rate hikes in 2020 and beyond. Chart 7EUR/USD Sell-Off Has Been Driven By Falling European Rate Expectations What Will The Fed Do? Of course, the degree to which a steeper Eonia curve benefits EUR/USD will depend on what the Fed does. The 24-month discounter has fallen from over +100 bps in March 2018 to -25 bps today, implying that investors now believe that U.S. short rates will fall over the next two years (Chart 8). Chart 8The Fed's Dovish Messaging Has Worked... Almost Too Well We expect the Fed to raise rates more than what is currently priced into the curve, thus justifying a short duration position in fixed-income portfolios. However, the Fed’s newfound “baby step” philosophy will probably translate into only two hikes over the next 12 months. Such a gradual pace of Fed rate hikes is unlikely to prevent the euro from appreciating against the dollar starting in the middle of this year, especially in the context of a resurgent global economy. We do not expect any major inflationary pressures to emerge in the near term. In contrast to the euro, the yen should depreciate against the dollar in the back half of this year. The yen is a “risk-off” currency and thus tends to weaken whenever global risk assets rally (Chart 9). The government is also about to raise the sales tax again in October, a completely unnecessary step that will only hurt domestic demand and force the Bank of Japan to prolong its yield curve control regime. We would go long EUR/JPY on any break below 123. Chart 9The Yen Is A Risk-Off Currency A Blow-Off Rally In The Dollar Starting In Late-2020 What could really light a fire under the dollar is if the Fed began raising rates aggressively while the global economy was slowing down. In what twisted parallel universe could that happen? The answer is this one, provided that inflation rose to a level that evoked panic at the Fed. We do not expect any major inflationary pressures to emerge in the near term. The growth in unit labor costs leads core inflation by about 12 months (Chart 10). Thanks to a cyclical pickup in productivity growth, unit labor cost inflation has been trending lower since mid-2018. However, as we enter late-2020, if the labor market has tightened further by then, wage growth will likely pull well ahead of productivity growth, causing inflation to accelerate. Chart 10Decelerating Unit Labor Costs Will Dampen Inflationary Pressures For The Time Being All things equal, higher inflation is bearish for a currency because it implies a loss in purchasing power relative to other monies. However, if higher inflation spurs a central bank to hike policy rates by more than inflation has risen – thus implying an increase in real rates – the currency will tend to strengthen. Chart 11 shows the “rational expectations” response of a currency to a scenario where inflation suddenly and unexpectedly rises by one percent relative to partner countries and stays at this higher level for five years while nominal rates rise by two percent. The currency initially appreciates by 5%, but then falls by 2% every year, eventually finishing down 5% from where it started.4 The yen should depreciate against the dollar in the back half of this year. The real world is much messier of course, but we suspect that the dollar will stage a final blow-off rally late next year or in early-2021 (Chart 12). Since the Fed will be hiking rates in a stagflationary environment at that time, global growth will weaken, further boosting the dollar. The resulting tightening in both U.S. and global financial conditions will likely trigger a global recession and a bear market in stocks. Investors should maintain a bullish stance towards global equities for the next 12 months, but look to reduce exposure at some point next year. Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “Gretzky’s Doctrine,” dated March 1, 2019. 2 Jennifer Jacobs and Saleha Mohsin, “Trump Pushes China Trade Deal to Boost Markets as 2020 Heats Up,” Bloomberg, March 6, 2019. 3 Recall that GDP is a flow variable (how much production takes place every period), whereas credit is a stock variable (how much debt there is outstanding). By definition, a flow is a change in a stock. Thus, credit growth affects GDP and the change in credit growth affects GDP growth. 4 The 2% annual decline in the currency is necessary for the real interest parity condition to be satisfied. Strategy & Market Trends MacroQuant Model And Current Subjective Scores Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades
Highlights So What? The late-cycle rally still faces non-trivial political hurdles. Why? U.S.-China trade talks, the U.S. threat of tariffs on auto imports, and Brexit continue to pose risks. A shocking revelation from the Mueller report could have a temporary negative impact on equity markets. A bombshell would increase Trump’s chances of removal from office. We give 35% odds to tarrifs on autos and auto parts, and 10% odds to a hard Brexit. Feature In our February 6 report we outlined how a “Witches’ Brew” of geopolitical risks had the potential to short-circuit the late-cycle equity rally. A month later, that brew is still bubbling. President Donald Trump’s approval rating has rebounded but going forward it faces challenges from negative headlines (Chart 1). These include a soaring trade deficit, a large influx of illegal immigrants on the southern border, a weak jobs report for February, a setback in North Korean diplomacy, and an intensification of the scandals plaguing Trump’s inner circle. Chart 1Don't Get Comfortable Just Yet, Mr. President Each of these issues calls into question the effectiveness of Trump’s core policies and the stability of his administration, though in reality they are only potentially problematic. While Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s forthcoming report poses a tail risk, the substantial threat remains Trump’s trade policy. Indeed, investors face “the persistence of uncertainties related to geopolitical factors” and the “threat of protectionism,” according to European Central Bank President Mario Draghi, who spoke as he rolled out a new round of monetary stimulus for Europe and its ailing banks. What did Draghi have in mind? The obvious culprits are the U.S.-China trade talks, the U.S. threat of tariffs on auto imports, and Brexit. There were other issues – such as “vulnerabilities in emerging markets” – but the first three are the most likely to have turned Draghi’s head. The global economic outlook is likely to improve on the back of Chinese stimulus and policy adjustments by the ECB and Federal Reserve. But growth has not yet stabilized and financial markets face additional volatility due to the fact that none of these “geopolitical factors” is going to be resolved easily. The good news is that Trump, overseeing a precarious economy ahead of an election, has an incentive to play softball rather than hardball. Mueller’s Smoking Gun? News reports suggest that Mueller will soon issue the final report of his investigation into President Trump’s election campaign links with Russia. There is really only one way in which the Mueller report could be market relevant: it could produce smoking-gun evidence that results in non-trivial impeachment proceedings. Any scandal big enough to remove Trump from office or clearly damage his reelection chances is significant because financial markets would dislike the extreme policy discontinuity (Chart 2). Anything short of this will be a red herring for markets, though admittedly many of our clients disagree. Very little is known about what Mueller will report and how he will interpret his mandate. Mueller’s investigation may or may not make it to the public in full form, at least initially, and he may or may not make any major additional indictments. Congress will strive to get access to the report, which is internal to the Justice Department, while spin-off investigations will proliferate among lower-level federal district attorneys and congressional committees. The legal battle, writ large, will run into the 2020 election and beyond. House Democrats alone can decide whether to bring articles of impeachment against Trump, but the case would be struck down in the Senate if it did not rest on ironclad evidence of wrongdoing that implicated Trump personally. Republican Senators will not jump ship easily – especially not 18 of them. That would require a sea change in grassroots support for Trump. Trump’s approval among Republicans remains the indicator to watch, and it is still strong (Chart 3). If this number crashes in the aftermath of the Mueller report, then Trump could find himself on a Nixonian trajectory, implying higher odds of a Senate conviction (Chart 4). At that point, markets would begin discounting a Democratic sweep in 2020, with business sentiment and risk assets likely to drop at the prospect of higher taxes and increased regulation (Chart 5). Chart 5A 2020 Democratic Sweep Would Dent Business Sentiment After all, if scandals remove Trump from office, then not only is a Democrat likely to win the White House, but any Democrat is likely to win – even a non-centrist like Bernie Sanders or other Democratic candidates like Kamala Harris who have swung hard to the left. Meanwhile, the odds of Democrats taking control of the Senate (while keeping the House) will rise. With Democratic candidates flirting with democratic socialism and proposing a range of left-wing policies, the prospect of full Democratic control of the legislative and executive branches would weigh on financial markets. We doubt that the Mueller report can fall short of a smoking gun while still dealing a fatal blow to Trump. The Democrats control the House, so if the scandal grows to gigantic proportions, they will impeach. Yet if they impeach without an ironclad case, Trump will be acquitted. And if Trump is acquitted, it is hard to see how his chances of reelection would fall. The impeachment of former President Bill Clinton looms large over Democrats, since it ended up boosting his popularity. If Democrats are overzealous to no end, it will help Trump’s campaign. If Trump should then win re-election, he will have veto power and likely a GOP Senate, so his policies will remain in place. The outcome for markets would be policy continuity, though the market-positive aspects of Trump’s first term may not be improved while the market-negative aspects, such as his trade policy and foreign policy, may reboot. Mueller is an all-or-nothing prospect: he either leads us to the equivalent of the Watergate Tapes or not. Lesser crimes are unlikely to have a decisive impact on the election. But volatility is likely to go up as the report comes due, just as it did during the Lewinsky scandal (Chart 6), at least until the dust settles and there is clarity on impeachment. And an equity sell-off at dramatic points in the saga cannot be ruled out, especially if global factors combine with actual impeachment (Chart 7). Chart 6Impeachment Proceedings Likely To Raise Vol... Chart 7… And Potentially Dampen Returns Bottom Line: A specific, shocking revelation from the Mueller report could have a negative impact on equity markets and risk assets, but any such moves would be temporary as long as the growth and earnings backdrop remain positive and Mueller does not drop a bombshell that increases Trump’s chances of removal from office. Separating The Budget From The Border The president faces adverse developments on the southern border after having initiated a controversial national emergency in order to transfer military funds to construct new barriers. The U.S. has seen an abnormally large increase in apprehensions and attempted entries this year (Charts 8A & 8B). Ultimately the influx calls attention to the porous southern border and as such may help to justify Trump’s policy focus. For now it raises the question of why the administration’s tough tactics are failing to deter immigrants. Meanwhile his emergency declaration has divided the Republican Party, with several members likely to join with Democrats in a resolution of disapproval that Trump will veto. Congress will not be able to override the veto, but Trump’s decree also faces challenges in the judicial system. We doubt that the Supreme Court will rule against him but it certainly is possible. The ruling is highly likely to come before the election. Meanwhile Trump is kicking off the FY2020 budget battle with his newest request of $8.6 billion for the border wall and cuts to a range of discretionary non-defense spending. The presidential budget is a fiction – it is based on unrealistic cuts to a range of government programs. Any budget that is passed will bear no relation to the administration’s proposals. Opinion polls referenced above clearly demonstrate that Trump’s approval rating suffered from the recent government shutdown. This does not mean that he will conclude the next budget battle by the initial deadline of October 1 or that a late-2019 shutdown is impossible. He might accept a short shutdown to try to secure defense spending that would arguably legitimize his repurposing of military funds for border construction. But his experience early this year means that the odds of another long-running, bruising shutdown are low. Might Trump refuse to raise the debt ceiling later this year to get his way on the wall? This is even less likely than a shutdown due to the negative impact that a debt ceiling constraint would have on social security recipients and bond markets. Trump also has the most to lose if the 2011 budget caps snap back into place in 2020 due to any failure of the FY2020 negotiations (Chart 9). As such, the debt ceiling – which the Treasury Department can keep at bay until the end of the fiscal year in October – and the 2020 budget may be resolved together this time around. In short, Trump will be forced to punt on congressional funding for the wall later this year and will have to campaign on it again in November 2020, with the slogan “Finish the Wall.” This is a market-positive outcome, as the hurdles to fiscal spending in 2020 are likely to be reduced: Trump will have to concede to some Democratic priorities and abandon his proposed cuts. The Democrats, for their part, are likely to have enough moderates to get the next budget over the line with Republican support. To illustrate, Republicans only need 21 votes for a majority, while no fewer than 26 Democrats were recently chastised by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi for cooperating with Republicans. The implication is that a bipartisan majority can be found. Since Trump cannot get his budget cuts, and does not really even want them, the projected contraction of the budget deficit in 2020 will be reduced or erased (Chart 10). On the margin, this would support higher inflation and bond yields. The biggest threat to Trump’s reelection is still the risk that the long business cycle will expire by November next year. However, the exceedingly low February payrolls print was misleading – the unemployment rate fell and wage growth was firm (Chart 11). American households are in relatively good shape and that bodes well for Trump, for the time being. Chart 11American Households Are In Good Shape Bottom Line: The economy is relatively well supported and Trump and the Democrats are ultimately likely to cooperate on the budget under the table, reducing the risks of a debt ceiling breach, or an extended government shutdown later this year, or a fall off the 2020 stimulus cliff. The Trade Deficit: Trump’s Pivot To Europe Trade policy is where Trump’s challenges merge with Draghi’s woes. The U.S. trade deficit lurched upwards to a ten-year high of $621 billion in 2018 (Chart 12). The trade deficit is uniquely important to Trump because he campaigned on an unorthodox protectionist agenda in order to reduce it. It will be very difficult for him to evade the consequences if the deficit is higher, as a share of GDP, in November 2020 than it was in January 2017. Chart 12Trade Deficit Jump Is A Blow To Trump The underlying cause of the rising deficit is that a growing American economy at full employment with a relatively strong dollar will suck in larger quantities of imports. This effect is overriding any that Trump’s tariffs have had in discouraging imports. Meanwhile the global slowdown, reinforced by trade retaliation and negative sentiment, are harming U.S. exports (Chart 13). The administration’s policies of fiscal stimulus combined with encouraging private investment are guaranteed to lead to a higher current account deficit, barring an offsetting (and highly unlikely) rise in private saving. The current account deficit must equal the gap between domestic saving and investment and a rising fiscal deficit represents a drop in saving. Chart 13Trade War Hurting U.S. Exports What does the trade deficit imply for the U.S.-China talks? On one hand, the U.S. could put more pressure on China after feeling political heat from the large deficit. On the other hand, China has always offered to reduce the bilateral trade deficit directly through bulk purchases of goods, particularly commodities. It is Trump’s top negotiator, Robert Lighthizer, who has insisted that China make structural changes to reduce trade imbalances on a long-term and sustainable basis.1 In a sign of progress, the U.S. and China have reportedly arrived at a currency agreement. No details are known and therefore it is impossible to say if it would mean a more “market-oriented” renminbi, which could fluctuate and have a variable impact on the trade deficit, or a renminbi that is managed to be stronger against the dollar, which would tend to weigh on the deficit, as Trump might wish. The two negotiating teams are working on the text of five other structural issues that should also mitigate the deficit. Moreover, China’s new foreign investment law, if enforced, could increase American market access by leveling the playing field for foreign firms. However, there is still no monitoring mechanism, the two presidents have not scheduled a final signing summit, and the deterioration in North Korean peace talks also works against any quick conclusion. If Trump concludes a deal, the next question for investors is whether he will impose Section 232 tariffs on auto and auto imports on the EU and other partners (Chart 14). The European Commission’s top trade negotiator, Cecilia Malmstrom, recently met with Lighthizer in Washington to discourage tariffs. She refused to admit agriculture into the negotiations, as per a U.S.-EU joint statement in July 2018, but proposed equalizing tariffs on industrial goods as a way for both sides to make a positive start (Chart 15). She said that the U.S. repealing the Section 232 steel and aluminum tariffs are necessary for any final deal. And she reiterated that any new tariffs (e.g., the proposed Section 232 tariffs on autos and auto parts) would prevent a deal and provoke immediate retaliation on $23 billion worth of American exports. Malmstrom also said that the EU would prefer to work with the U.S. on reforming the World Trade Organization and addressing China’s trade violations. This approach fits with that of Japan, which has joined the U.S. and EU in trilateral discussions toward reforming the global trade architecture in a bid to mitigate U.S. protectionism and constrain China. The problem with the EU’s position is that once the U.S. and China make a trade deal, the U.S. will not have as immediate of a need to form a trade coalition against China (other than in dealing with WTO issues). Moreover, Japan will be forced to accept a deal with the U.S. in short order. A rotation of Trump trade policy to focus on Europe is likely. We give 35% odds to tariffs on autos and auto parts. The USMCA will increase the cost of production in North America while Europe is so far excluding cars from negotiations with the U.S., so there is room for a clash. But any tariffs on autos will be less sweeping than those against China. Trump will play softball rather than hardball for the following reasons: The public is less skeptical of trade with Europe and Japan than with China. The auto sector is heavily concentrated in the Red States and many states that are heavily exposed to trade with the EU are also critical to Trump’s reelection (Map 1). Section 232 tariffs that are required to be enacted by May 18 would have plenty of time to impact the U.S. economy negatively by November 2020. Congress and the defense establishment are against a trade war with U.S. allies, while bipartisanship reigns when it comes to tougher actions toward China. The bilateral trade deficit is less excessive with Europe than with China (see Chart 12 above). The U.S. carmaker and auto parts lobby are unanimously against the tariffs – and in fact has called for the removal of the steel and aluminum tariffs in a stance that echoes that of the EU. The existing steel and aluminum tariffs provide Trump with leverage in the negotiations with the EU and Japan, whereas the U.S. has agreed not to impose new tariffs on these partners while trade negotiations are underway. New tariffs would nix negotiations and ensure that the ensuing quarrels are long and drawn out, with a necessarily worse economic impact. To initiate a new trade war in the wake of the U.S.-China war would be to undercut the positive impact on trade, financial conditions, and sentiment that is supposedly driving Trump’s desire for a China deal in the first place. The U.S. eventually will need to build a trilateral coalition to hold China to account and ensure that it does not slide back into its past mercantilist practices. Even limited or pinprick tariffs will have an adverse impact on equity markets, given that they will hit Europe at a time when its economy is decelerating dangerously and when Brexit uncertainty is already weighing on European assets and sentiment (see next section). This may be why both the U.K. and Germany have recently softened their positions on Chinese telecom company Huawei, which they have been investigating for national security concerns related to the rollout of 5G networks. They are signaling that they are not going to sacrifice their relationship with China if the U.S. is dealing with China bilaterally while threatening to turn around and slap tariffs on their auto exports. If the U.S. goes ahead with tariffs – on the basis that its China agreement allows it to isolate Europe – the EU will not be a pushover, as exports to the U.S. only amount to 2.6% of GDP (Chart 16). The result of the U.S.-China quarrel has been a deepening EU-China trade relationship and that trend is set to continue (Chart 17), especially if the U.S. continues to use punitive measures that increase the substitution effect and the strategic value of the Chinese and European markets to each other. Chart 16The EU Will Not Be A Pushover In Face Of U.S. Tariffs Chart 17EU-China Trade Relationship Deepening Bottom Line: In the wake of any U.S.-China agreement, we give a 35% chance that Trump will impose tariffs on European cars and car parts. Such tariffs are not our base case because they are unlikely to shrink the U.S. trade deficit and would have a negative impact on the Red State economy. But lower magnitude tariffs cannot be ruled out – and the impact on the euro and European industrial sector would clearly be detrimental in the short run. Assuming that global and European growth is recovering, a tariff shock to Europe’s carmakers could present a good opportunity to buy on the dip. Any U.S.-EU trade war will ultimately be shorter-lived and less disruptive than the U.S.-China trade war, which is likely to resume at some point even if Presidents Trump and Xi get a deal this year. The United Kingdom: Snap Election More Likely A series of important votes is taking place in Westminster this week, with the end result likely to be an extension to negotiations over a withdrawal deal at the EU Council summit on March 21. Conditional on that extension, the odds of a new election are sharply rising. The first vote, as we go to press on Tuesday, has resulted in a rejection of Prime Minister Theresa May’s exit plan by 149 votes – the second rejection after her colossal defeat in January by 230 votes. The loss was expected because the EU has not offered a substantial compromise on the contentious Irish “backstop” arrangement, which would keep Northern Ireland and/or the U.K. in the European Customs Union beyond the transition date of December 31, 2020. All that was offered was an exit clause for the U.K. sans Northern Ireland. But Northern Ireland is part of the U.K. and the introduction of additional border checks on the Irish Sea would mark a new division within the constitutional fabric. This is unacceptable to the Conservative Party and especially to the Democratic Union Party of Northern Ireland, which gives May her majority in parliament. On Wednesday, we expect the vote for a “no deal” exit, in which the U.K. simply leaves the EU without any arrangements as to the withdrawal (or future relationship), to fail by an even larger margin than May’s plan. Leaving without a deal would cause a negative economic shock due to the automatic reversion to relatively high WTO tariff levels with the EU, which receives 46% of the U.K.’s exports and is thus vital in the maintenance of its trade balance and terms of trade (Chart 18). It is impossible to see parliament voting in favor of such an outcome – parliament was never the driving force behind Brexit, with most MPs preferring to remain in the EU. Chart 18No Deal Brexit A Huge Blow To U.K. The risk is that parliament should fail repeatedly to pass the third vote this week, a motion asking the EU for an extension period to the March 29 “exit day.” This is unlikely but possible. In this case, the supreme decision-making body of the U.K. will be paralyzed. A bloodbath will ensue in which the country will either see Prime Minister May ousted, a snap election called, or both. If the extension passes, the EU Council is likely to go along with the decision. It is in the EU’s near-term economic interest not to trigger a crash Brexit and in its long-term interest to delay Brexit until the U.K. public decides they would rather stay after all. The problem is that it will not want to grant an extension for longer than July, when new Members of the European Parliament take their seats after the May 23-26 EU elections. The U.K. may be forced to put up candidates for the election. What good would an extension do anyway? The likeliest possibility is, yet again, a new election. The conditions are not yet ripe for a second referendum, though the odds are rising that one will eventually occur. The Labour Party has fallen in the opinion polls amidst Jeremy Corbyn’s indecisive leadership and a divisive platform change within the party to push for a second Brexit referendum (Chart 19). An election now gives May’s Conservatives an opportunity to build a larger and stronger majority – after all, in the U.K. electoral system, the winner takes all in each constituency, so the Tories would pick up most of the seats that Labour loses. May’s faction might be able to strengthen its hand vis-à-vis hard Brexiters who have less popular support yet currently have the numbers to block May’s withdrawal plan. Chart 19A New Election Would Be Opportunistic Theresa May might be unwilling to call an election given her fateful mistake of calling the snap election of 2017. If she demurs, she could face an internal party coup. There is a slim chance that a hard Brexiter could take the helm, bent on steering the U.K. out of the EU without a deal. Parliament, however, would rebel against such a leader. Ultimately, the economic and financial constraints of a crash Brexit are too hard and we expect that the votes will reflect this fact, whether in an adjusted exit deal or a new election. But both outcomes require an extension. However, we must point out that the constitutional and geopolitical constraints alone are not sufficient to prevent a crash out: parliament is the supreme lawmaking authority and there is no other basis for the U.K. to leave in an orderly fashion. The United Kingdom has survived worse, as many hard Brexiters will emphasize. A crash is a mistake that can happen. But the odds are not higher than 10%-20% given the stakes (Diagram 1). Diagram 1The Path To Salvation Remains Fraught With Dangers With the EU economy not having stabilized and the U.S. contemplating Section 232 trade tariffs, Brexit is all the more reason to be wary of sterling, the euro, and European equities in the near term, especially relative to the U.S. dollar and U.S. equities. Gilts can rally even in the event of an extension given the uncertainty that this would entail, though the BCA House View is neutral. Bottom Line: Expect parliament to ask for an extension. At the same time, the odds of a new election have risen sharply. The absence of a new election could lead to a power struggle within the Tory party that could escalate the risk of a hard Brexit, though we still place the odds at 10%. A second referendum is rising in probability but will only become possible after the dust settles from the current crisis. Investment Conclusions The ECB’s stimulus measures are positive for European and global growth over a 6-to-12-month time frame. They suggest that financial assets could be supported later in the year, depending in great part on what happens in China. China’s combined January and February total social financing growth reinforces our Feb 20 report arguing that the risk of stimulus is now to the upside. As People’s Bank Governor Yi Gang put it, the slowdown in total social financing last year has stopped. The annual meeting of the National People’s Congress also resulted in largely accommodative measures on top of this credit increase. Nevertheless, stimulus operates with a lag, and for the reasons outlined above we are not yet willing to favor EUR/USD or European equities within developed markets. A 35% chance of tariffs is non-negligible. We expect U.S. equities to outperform within the developed world and Chinese equities to outperform within the emerging world on a 6-to-12 month basis. Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Lighthizer now has bipartisan support in Congress, whose members will lambast Trump if he squanders the historic leverage he has built up in exchange for a shallow deal that only temporarily weighs on the trade deficit.
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