Equities

Highlights We remain constructive on the economy and financial markets, … : US households have stored up a great deal of dry powder for consumption once the economy fully reopens, last month’s stopgap fiscal measures will help relieve pressure on the most vulnerable households, and the Georgia Senate results ensure that even more fiscal transfers are in store. … but there is a non-negligible risk that investors will get too excited about the positive backdrop: The exceedingly supportive policy backdrop could easily help the S&P 500 push into the low 4,000s, but it’s not clear what investors will have to look forward to for the rest of 2021 if it ascends to that level early in the year. We do not share the bubble-spotters’ alarm, but we are willing to study their arguments: We like to test our convictions by seeking out opposing views and we therefore read Jeremy Grantham’s bubble essay with great interest. We do not share his urgent concern, and our recommended asset allocations are nearly the mirror image of his, but we are taking a deep dive into his view and its implications. Feature As a grad student on the South Side of Chicago, I used to run on the bike path along the lake. On windless days, the three or four miles north from Hyde Park Boulevard felt especially easy, and I would think, “this is what it’s like when there’s no wind.” Then I’d head for home and discover there’d been a breeze behind me all along. A mile or two in, I’d realize it was no breeze and marvel at how I hadn’t noticed it on the way out. The moral of the story, as I told it then, is that if you think it’s not windy in Chicago, just turn around. Now it seems that it has a broader, weightier lesson: it can be easy to miss the wind when it’s behind you. Jeremy Grantham’s carefully reasoned bubble warning, posted online last Tuesday,1 has inspired us to re-examine our outlook and how widely it’s shared. We are not changing our view – we remain vigilantly bullish – but it is worth devoting ample time to consider the risks to it. This week, we highlight the elements of Grantham’s piece that most caught our attention; next week, we will discuss strategies to try to reduce an investor’s vulnerability to them. The Belated Blue Wave Grantham’s essay highlights vulnerabilities that could come to the fore sometime in the near future, but the Democratic sweep of Georgia’s Senate seats has immediate market implications. By virtue of Vice President-elect Harris’s tie-breaking vote, the Democrats will hold a majority in the 50-50 chamber beginning January 20th. The outcome ensures that the Biden administration will have slim majorities in both houses of Congress for its first two years (pending appointments and special elections). Although a five-seat House majority and the slimmest possible Senate majority will not give the incoming administration carte blanche to enact sweeping legislative changes, it will have an easier time pursuing its agenda than it would have had the Republicans held on to just one of the Georgia Senate seats. Item number one on that agenda is likely to be bulked-up fiscal aid for struggling households, states and municipalities. The economic and market significance of the blue wave is that Congress can now become a full partner supporting the monetary policy aim of erring to the side of providing too much accommodation. With the Fed pledging that it won’t take its foot off the gas any time soon, revived fiscal spending will provide the economy with an incremental reflationary boost that should benefit risk assets. Fiscal transfers will be at least partially funded with increased taxes on corporations and high-earning individuals. Profit margins will narrow, but empirical evidence of a relationship between tax rates and economic growth is elusive (Chart 1). Economic growth is largely a function of growth in the size of the working-age population and growth in productivity. Investment leads productivity – workers become more productive when endowed with more and better tools – but history suggests that investment spending is indifferent to corporate tax rates (Chart 2), as is productivity (Chart 3). Chart 1We Don't Like Taxes, Either ... Chart 2... But They Do Not Seem To Impact Investment ... Chart 3... Or Productivity Growth We are disposed to agree with the idea that higher taxes are a drag on growth. Transferring spending power from the private sector to government apparatchiks is not likely to improve efficiency. Business executives are as fallible as any other experts, however, and changes in tax rates have a smaller multiplier effect than the proposed spending measures. Net-net, we expect that the outcome of the Georgia run-offs will lead to slightly higher interest rates, a steeper yield curve, increased consumption and fewer defaults, a welcome mélange for credit performance and the equities that were left behind as investors flocked to COVID winners. A Slippery Slope Chart 4Bull Markets Tend To Go Out With A Bang [G]reat bubbles are where fortunes are made and lost – and where investors truly prove their mettle. For positioning a portfolio to avoid the worst pain of a major bubble breaking is likely the most difficult part. Every career incentive in the industry and every fault of individual human psychology will work toward sucking investors in. [Emphasis added.] As Jeremy Grantham lays it out, the latter stages of a bull market are especially perilous. Given that bull markets run hot before they end (Chart 4), it becomes fiendishly difficult to resist their pull. The recency bias drives an investor to focus on the most recent data points to the exclusion of older ones, pointing to higher expected returns than might be inferred from a more comprehensive sample. The phenomenon encourages equity overexposure at inopportune times if returns are mean-reverting. Professional investors are as susceptible to recency bias and overconfidence (fueled by having had the wind at their back) as non-professionals, and their judgment can be additionally clouded by career pressures. Those who achieve the longest tenures are at least subconsciously attuned to Keynes’ dictum that it is better to fail conventionally than to succeed unconventionally. Staying at the party too long with lots of others may hold far less risk than staking out a solitary position. The bottom line is that asset management incentives encourage groupthink, especially as late-stage bull markets go into overdrive. Dizzying Heights The long, long bull market since 2009 has finally matured into a fully-fledged epic bubble. Featuring extreme overvaluation, explosive price increases, frenzied issuance, and hysterically speculative investor behavior, I believe this event will be recorded as one of the great bubbles of financial history[.] Bubbles are only identifiable in retrospect, but several aspects that financial historian Charles Kindleberger associated with manias are evident. Money is cheap and readily available and valuations are quite high. One could argue that anticipation of short-term capital gains is drowning consideration of future earnings for at least some equity investors or, as Grantham puts it, “stocks [are] rising … simply because they are rising.” Make no mistake: Equity valuations are demanding and de-rating appears more likely than continued re-rating. The main valuation metrics clearly indicate that equities are richly priced. The S&P 500’s forward earnings multiple is hovering around two standard deviations above the mean, at heights previously reached only in the late ‘90s and early ‘00s (Chart 5). Price-to-sales is at an all-time high, three standard deviations above the mean (Chart 6, top panel), while book (Chart 6, middle panel) and cash flow multiples (Chart 6, bottom panel) are elevated but not yet extreme. Price-to-sales should rise if markets believe pandemic-induced margin pressure is temporary and will reverse once the country is vaccinated, but the one-plus-sigma surge above pre-COVID levels would seem to be a bit much. Chart 5Equity Valuations Are Pushing The Envelope Chart 6Making A Run At '99-'00 Equity option and IPO activity is redolent of euphoria and overtrading. Equity call option volume has surged to record levels (Chart 7, top panel), reportedly on the back of an explosion in small retail activity, and the put-call ratio has fallen to dot-com-bubble levels as demand for exposure has swamped demand for protection (Chart 7, bottom panel). New IPOs have been coming fast and furious (Chart 8, top panel) at a relatively tender average age (Chart 8, bottom panel). Sponsors’ shift away from hoarding early- and middle-stage returns to inviting the public to share them may prove to be telling. There are many reasons to sell equity interests, but expecting them to blast higher isn’t typically one of them. Chart 7The Merry Men Of Sherwood Forest Have Discovered Options Are A Gas, Too Chart 8Take The Money And Run The Legend Who Cried Wolf This isn’t the first time Grantham or one of his colleagues has expressed concern about rising stock prices. It may be unduly harsh to call him a perma-bear, but GMO has consistently underestimated equities and the firm has seen its assets under management (AUM) cut in half over the last five years, to $60 billion, while its flagship asset allocation fund has lost over 60% of AUM. As an RIA firm executive told a Bloomberg reporter, “I can see how clients lose patience with them. They get defensive way before anybody else.2” It’s important to recognize different commentators’ biases/agendas when evaluating their arguments. Grantham calls out the broker-dealers as perpetual market cheerleaders, but he has a stake in convincing GMO clients and prospects that value investing principles are still relevant. BCA’s business model is far more insulated from markets’ direction, but our research services have a bias to fit inherently unruly markets into tidy narratives. Disclosing the risks to our views is an essential part of our process, but the hypotheses we reject will always get less of an airing than the ones we embrace – no investor has time to read weekly 50-page deliberations. Why Now? The canonical BCA question – So What? – is meant to keep researchers focused on the market relevance of their inquiries. But we have long advocated for a second question – Why Now? – to keep our focus on timeliness. Spotting imbalances, which can take a maddeningly long time to reverse, isn’t enough to earn alpha. To translate macro analysis into promising investment ideas, an investor also needs to identify potential catalysts that might unwind the imbalance. Bull markets become exhausted once so much capital is invested in them that there is no one left to keep buying, just as bear markets end when the urgency to sell dissipates. Sentiment can offer clues into remaining buying or selling power, and the day before the Grantham piece appeared, an experienced financial advisor with a stellar portfolio management record emailed that, “This is one of the few times in my career where I feel like the market is simple and the consensus is right. It almost always feels like there is something obviously bad on the horizon but this market feels like there is really good news on the horizon.” I have known him for over 30 years and can attest to his intelligence, diligence and savvy. His clients are in excellent hands and his constructive take may well be spot on. Indeed, we hope so, since it dovetails with ours, but his assurance gave us pause. For now, it doesn't seem to be universal, as it contrasted starkly with this musing from another trusted confidante (a family office CIO) as 2020 was winding down, “What can be said about work other than make certain we don’t mistake this bull market for brilliance.” Valuation is a notoriously lousy timing indicator and sentiment is a squishy concept that is hard to pin down. Both can remain stretched for a long period of time. An investor shouldn't bet against them unless s/he has a good reason for believing they are on the verge of reversing. Perhaps not having to run on the relative performance hamster wheel like most professional investors gives the family office CIO, who also has a great track record, a little broader perspective, but every investor could use a dose of humility. Skepticism is an essential component of successful investing as well, especially as stocks are making new highs. If you think it’s not windy … Investment Implications We respect Jeremy Grantham’s experience and formidable accomplishments and listen closely to any insights he’s willing to share. We acknowledge that there are many signs of froth across financial markets and that the Kindleberger red line of purchasing assets without regard to their intrinsic merit could be crossed in the not-too-distant future. We echo the sentiment that central bankers are not omnipotent and that easy monetary policy is not a magical elixir. We do, however, assert that the combination of extremely easy monetary policy and a new round of fiscal aid offers equities and spread product a supportive backdrop that should be expected to hold throughout the year provided that markets don’t get over their skis by bidding up asset prices too far. The bottom line is that market vulnerabilities are cropping up but we disagree with the view that they are about to bring an end to risk asset outperform-ance. We remain overweight equities and spread product while keeping an eye out for anything untoward. As we have been saying for several weeks, we are bullish, albeit vigilantly so. One of our roles is to worry for our clients, and we are scanning the horizon for signs of trouble even more thoroughly than normal. Until we see those signs, or until risk asset prices rise so much that they sour their risk-reward prospects, we will stick with our call. On the last point, we are in complete agreement with Grantham: The one reality that you can never change is that a higher-priced asset will produce a lower return than a lower-priced asset. You can’t have your cake and eat it. You can enjoy it now, or you can enjoy it steadily in the distant future, but not both – and the price we pay for having this market go higher and higher is a lower 10-year return from the peak.   Doug Peta, CFA Chief US Investment Strategist dougp@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1https://www.gmo.com/americas/research-library/waiting-for-the-last-dance/ Accessed January 5, 2021. Grantham is the octogenarian co-founder of Grantham, Mayo and van Otterloo (GMO), a value-oriented asset manager for institutional investors. 2 McDonald, Michael. "Grantham’s Bear Market Call Tests Patience of GMO Fund Investors," Bloomberg, November 24, 2020.

Highlights Markets largely ignored the uproar at the US Capitol on January 6 because the transfer of power was not in question. Democratic control over the Senate, after two upsets in the Georgia runoff, is the bigger signal. US fiscal policy will become more expansive yet the Federal Reserve will not start hiking rates anytime soon. This is a powerful tailwind for risk assets over the short and medium run. Politics and geopolitics affect markets through the policy setting, rather than through discrete events, which tend to have fleeting market impacts. The current setting, in the US and abroad, is negative for the US dollar. The implication is positive for emerging market stocks and value plays. Go long global stocks ex-US, long emerging markets over developed markets, and long value over growth. Cut losses on short CNY-USD. Feature Chart 1Market's Muted Response To US Turmoil Scenes of mayhem unfolded in the US Capitol on January 6 as protesters and rioters flooded the building and temporarily interrupted the joint session of Congress convened to count the Electoral College votes. Congress reconvened later and finished the tally. President-elect Joe Biden will take office at noon on January 20. Financial markets were unperturbed, with stocks up and volatility down, though safe havens did perk up a bit (Chart 1). The incident supports our thesis that the US election cycle of 2020 was a sort of “Civil War Lite” and that the country is witnessing “Peak Polarization,” with polarization likely to fall over the coming five years. The incident was the culmination of the past year of pandemic-fueled unrest and President Trump’s refusal to concede to the Electoral College verdict. Trump made a show of force by rallying his supporters, and apparently refrained from cracking down on those that overran Congress, but then he backed down and promised an orderly transfer of power. The immediate political result was to isolate him. Fewer Republicans than expected contested the electoral votes in the ensuing joint session; one Republican is openly calling for Trump to be forced into resignation via the 25th amendment procedure for those unfit to serve. The electoral votes were promptly certified. Vice President Mike Pence and other actors performed their constitutional duties. Pence reportedly gave the order to bring out the National Guard to restore order – hence it is possible that Pence and Trump’s cabinet could activate the 25th amendment, but that is unlikely unless Trump foments rebellion going forward. Vandals and criminals will be prosecuted and there could also be legal ramifications for Trump and some government officials. Do Politics And Geopolitics Affect Markets? The market’s lack of concern raises the question of whether investors need trouble themselves with politics at all. Philosopher and market guru Nassim Nicholas Taleb tweeted the following: If someone, a year ago, described January 6, 2021 (and events attending it) & asked you to guess the stock market behavior, admit you would have gotten it wrong. Just so you understand that news do not help you understand markets.1 This is a valid point. Investors should not (and do not) invest based on the daily news. Of course, many observers foresaw social unrest surrounding the 2020 election, including Professor Peter Turchin.2 Social instability was rising in the data, as we have long shown. When you combined this likelihood with the Fed’s pause on rate hikes, and a measurable rise in geopolitical tensions between the US and other countries, the implication was that gold would appreciate. So if someone had told you a year ago that the US would have a pandemic, that governments would unleash a 10.2% of global GDP fiscal stimulus, that the Fed would start average inflation targeting, that a vaccine would be produced, and that the US would have a contested election on top of it all, would you have expected gold to rise? Absolutely – and it has done so, both in keeping with the fall in real interest rates plus some safe-haven bonus, which is observable (Chart 2). Chart 2Gold Price In Excess Of Fall In Real Rates Implies Geopolitical Risk The takeaway is that policy matters for markets while politics may only matter briefly at best. Which brings us back to the implications of the Trump rebellion. What Will Be The Impact Of The Trump Rebellion? We have highlighted that this election was a controversial rather than contested election – meaning that the outcome was not in question after late November when the court cases, vote counts, and recounts were certified. This was doubly true after the Electoral College voted on December 14. The protests and riots yesterday never seriously called this result into question. Whatever Trump’s intentions, there was no military coup or imposition of martial law, as some observers feared. In fact the scandal arose from the President’s hesitation to call out the National Guard rather than his use of security forces to prevent the transfer of power, as occurs during a coup. This partially explains why the market traded on the contested election in December 2000 but not in 2020 – the result was largely settled. The Biden administration now has more political capital than otherwise, which is market-positive because it implies more proactive fiscal policy to support the economic recovery. Trump’s refusal to concede gave Democrats both seats in the Georgia Senate runoffs, yielding control of Congress. Household and business sentiment will revive with the vaccine distribution and economic recovery, while the passage of larger fiscal stimulus is highly probable. US fiscal policy will almost certainly avoid the mistake of tightening fiscal policy too soon. Taken with the Fed’s aversion to raising rates, greater fiscal stimulus will create a powerful tailwind for risk assets over the next 12 months. The primary consequence of combined fiscal and monetary dovishness is a falling dollar. The greenback is a counter-cyclical and momentum-driven currency that broadly responds inversely to global growth trends. But policy decisions are clearly legible in the global growth path and the dollar’s path over the past two decades. Japanese and European QE, Chinese devaluation, the global oil crash, Trump’s tax cuts, the US-China trade war, and COVID-19 lockdowns all drove the dollar to fresh highs – all policy decisions (Chart 3). Policy decisions also ensured the euro’s survival, marking the dollar’s bottom against the euro in 2011, and ensuring that the euro could take over from the dollar once the dollar became overbought. Today, the US’s stimulus response to COVID-19 – combined with the Fed’s strategic review and the Democratic sweep of government – marked the peak and continued drop-off in the dollar. Chart 3Euro Survival, US Peak Polarization, Set Stage For Rotation From USD To EUR Chart 4China's Yuan Says Geopolitics Matters The Chinese renminbi is heavily manipulated by the People’s Bank and is not freely exchangeable. The massive stimulus cycle that began in 2015, in reaction to financial turmoil, combined with the central bank’s decision to defend the currency marked a bottom in the yuan’s path. China’s draconian response to the pandemic this year, and massive stimulus, made China the only major country to contribute positively to global growth in 2020 and ensured a surge in the currency. The combination of US and Chinese policy decisions has clearly favored the renminbi more than would be the case from the general economic backdrop (Chart 4). Getting the policy setting right is necessary for investors. This is true even though discrete political events – including major political and geopolitical crises – have fleeting impacts on markets. What About Biden’s Trade Policy? Trump was never going to control monetary or fiscal policy – that was up to the Fed and Congress. His impact lay mostly in trade and foreign policy. Specifically his defeat reduces the risk of sweeping unilateral tariffs. It makes sense that global economic policy uncertainty has plummeted, especially relative to the United States (Chart 5). If US policy facilitates a global economic and trade recovery, then it also makes sense that global equities would rise faster than American equities, which benefited from the previous period of a strong dollar and erratic or aggressive US fiscal and trade policy. Trump’s last 14 days could see a few executive orders that rattle stocks. There is a very near-term downside risk to European and especially Chinese stocks from punitive measures, or to Emirati stocks in the event of another military exchange with Iran (Chart 6). But Trump will be disobeyed if he orders any highly disruptive actions, especially if they contravene national interests. Beyond Trump’s term we are constructive on all these bourses, though we expect politics and geopolitics to remain a headwind for Chinese equities. Chart 5Big Drop In Global Policy Uncertainty US tensions with China will escalate again soon – and in a way that negatively impacts US and Chinese companies exposed to each other. Chart 6Geopolitical Implications Of Biden's Election The cold war between these two is an unavoidable geopolitical trend as China threatens to surpass the US in economic size and improves its technological prowess. Presidents Xi and Trump were merely catalysts. But there are two policy trends that will override this rivalry for at least the first half of the year. First, global trade is recovering– as shown here by the Shanghai freight index and South Korean exports and equity prices (Chart 7). The global recovery will boost Korean stocks but geopolitical tensions will continue to brood over more expensive Taiwanese stocks due to the US-China conflict. This has motivated our longstanding long Korea / short Taiwan recommendation. Chart 7Global Economy Speaks Louder Than North Korea Chart 8China Wary Of Over-Tightening Policy Chart 9Global Stock-Bond Ratio Registers Good News Second, China’s 2020 stimulus will have lingering effects and it is wary of over-tightening monetary and fiscal policy, lest it undo its domestic economic recovery. The tenor of China’s Central Economic Work Conference in December has reinforced this view. Chart 8 illustrates the expectations of our China Investment Strategy regarding China’s credit growth and local government bond issuance. They suggest that there will not be a sharp withdrawal of fiscal or quasi-fiscal support in 2021. Stability is especially important in the lead up to the critical leadership rotation in 2022.3 This policy backdrop will be positive for global/EM equities despite the political crackdown on General Secretary Xi Jinping’s opponents will occur despite this supportive policy backdrop. The global stock-to-bond ratio has surged in clear recognition of these positive policy trends (Chart 9). Government bonds were deeply overbought and it will take several years before central banks begin tightening policy. What About Biden’s Foreign Policy? Chart 10OPEC 2.0 Cartel Continues (For Now) Iran poses a genuine geopolitical risk this year – first in the form of an oil supply risk, should conflict emerge in the Persian Gulf, Iraq, or elsewhere in the region. This would inject a risk premium into the oil price. Later the risk is the opposite as a deal with the Biden administration would create the prospect for Iran to attract foreign investment and begin pumping oil, while putting pressure on the OPEC 2.0 coalition to abandon its current, tentative, production discipline in pursuit of market share (Chart 10). Biden has the executive authority to restore the 2015 nuclear deal (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action). He is in favor of doing so in order to (1) prevent the Middle East from generating a crisis that consumes his foreign policy; (2) execute an American grand strategy of reviving its Asia Pacific influence; (3) cement the Obama administration’s legacy. The Iranian President Hassan Rouhani also has a clear interest in returning to the deal before the country’s presidential election in June. This would salvage his legacy and support his “reformist” faction. The Supreme Leader also has a chance to pin the negative aspects of the deal on a lame duck president while benefiting from it economically as he prepares for his all-important succession. The problem is that extreme levels of distrust will require some brinkmanship early in Biden’s term. Iran is building up leverage ahead of negotiations, which will mean higher levels of uranium enrichment and demonstrating the range of its regional capabilities, including the Strait of Hormuz, and its ability to impose economic pain via oil prices. Biden will need to establish a credible threat if Iran misbehaves. Hence the geopolitical setting is positive for oil prices at the moment. Beyond Iran, there is a clear basis for policy uncertainty to decline for Europe and the UK while it remains elevated for China and Russia (Chart 11). Chart 11Relative Policy Uncertainty Favors Europe and UK Over Russia And China The US international image has suffered from the Trump era and the Biden administration’s main priorities will lie in solidifying alliances and partnerships and stabilizing the US role in the world, rather than pursuing showdown and confrontation. However, it will not be long before scrutiny returns to the authoritarian states, which have been able to focus on domestic recovery and expanding their spheres of influence amid the US’s tumultuous election year. Chart 12GeoRisk Indicators Say Risks Underrated For These Bourses The US will not seek a “diplomatic reset” with Russia, aside from renegotiating the New START treaty. The Democrats will seek to retaliate for Russia’s extensive cyberattack in 2021 as well as for election interference and psychological warfare in the United States. And while there probably will be a reset with China, it will be short-lived, as outlined above. This situation contrasts with that of the Atlantic sphere. The Biden administration is a crystal clear positive, relative to a second Trump term, for the European Union. The EU and the UK have just agreed to a trade deal, as expected, to conclude the Brexit process, which means that the US-UK “special relationship” will not be marred by disagreements over Ireland. European solidarity has also strengthened as a result of the pandemic, which highlighted the need for collective policy responses, including fiscal. Thus the geopolitical risks of the new administration are most relevant for China/Taiwan and Russia. Comparing our GeoRisk Indicators, which are market-based, with the relative equity performance of these bourses, Taiwanese stocks are the most vulnerable because markets are increasingly pricing the geopolitical risk yet the relative stock performance is toppy (Chart 12). The limited recovery in Russian equities is also at risk for the same reason. Only in China’s case has the market priced lower geopolitical risk, not least because of the positive change in US administration. We expect Biden and Xi Jinping to be friendly at first but for strategic distrust to reemerge by the second half of the year. This will be a rude awakening for Chinese stocks – or China-exposed US stocks, especially in the tech sector. Investment Takeaways Chart 13Global Policy Shifts Drive Big Investment Reversals The US is politically divided. Civil unrest and aftershocks of the controversial election will persist but markets will ignore it unless it has a systemic impact. The policy consequence is a more proactive fiscal policy, resulting in virtual fiscal-monetary coordination that is positive both for global demand and risk assets, while negative for the US dollar. The Biden administration will succeed in partially repealing the Trump tax cuts, but the impact on corporate profit margins will be discounted fairly mechanically and quickly by market participants, while the impact on economic growth will be more than offset by huge new spending. Sentiment will improve after the pandemic – and Biden has not yet shown an inclination to take an anti-business tone. The past decade has been marked by a dollar bull market and the outperformance of developed markets over emerging markets and growth stocks like technology over value stocks like financials. Cyclical sectors have traded in a range. Going forward, a secular rise in geopolitical Great Power competition is likely to persist but the macro backdrop has shifted with the decline of the dollar. Cyclical sectors are now poised to outperform while a bottom is forming in value stocks and emerging markets (Chart 13). We recommend investors go strategically long emerging markets relative to developed. We are also going long global value over growth stocks. We are not yet ready to close our gold trade given that the two supports, populist fiscal turn and great power struggle, will continue to be priced by markets in the near term. We are throwing in the towel on our short CNY-USD trade after the latest upleg in the renminbi, though our view continues to be that geopolitical fundamentals will catch yuan investors by surprise when they reassert themselves. We also recommend preferring global equities to US equities, given the above-mentioned global trends plus looming tax hikes.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1 January 6, 2020, twitter.com. 2 See Turchin and Andrey Korotayev, "The 2010 Structural-Demographic Forecast for the 2010-2020 Decade: A Retrospective Assessment," PLoS ONE 15:8 (2020), journals.plos.org. 3 Not to mention that 2021 is the Communist Party’s 100th anniversary – not a time to make an unforced policy error with an already wobbly economy.

Highlights An uninterrupted advance in reflation trades will be possible if the FOMO (fear of missing out) evolves into a full-blown mania. This scenario cannot be ruled out especially with retail investors around the world continuing to flock into equity markets. EM equity valuations are neither cheap in absolute terms nor relative to Europe and Japan. EM is cheap only versus the S&P 500. US relative equity outperformance in common currency terms is breaking down. Go long EM stocks / short the S&P 500. The Blue Wave in the US is very bearish for the greenback and has reduced our expectations of the magnitude and duration of any near-term US dollar rebound. It has in fact reinforced our medium- to long-term negative US dollar view. Feature Financial markets are at a crossroad. On the one hand, the reflation trades have already rallied a great deal and might be at a point of exhaustion. On the other hand, gigantic monetary and fiscal support from authorities worldwide, and the US in particular, could push global share prices into a no gravity zone where major overshoots and manias are possible. The bullish view is well-known: DM central banks’ easy monetary and fiscal policies will endure. Moreover, the global economy will continue its recovery as vaccines are made accessible by mid-year to a large share of the population in advanced economies. Markets will ignore any growth disappointment stemming from the expansion and/or extension of lockdowns as they are forward-looking and expect widespread vaccine deployment to eventually allow for a reopening of the economies. We agree with these points. The negative view is also well-recognized: investor sentiment on global equities in general and EM in particular is very elevated and reflation trades have become overbought. These are valid and correct points as well. Chart I-1 illustrates that the Sentix investor sentiment1 on EM equities is at an all-time high. In the past, when sentiment reached these levels EM share prices experienced either a correction or a bear market. Chart I-1Investor Sentiment On EM Equities Is At A Record High Further, the December issue of the Bank of America/Merrill Lynch survey noted that investor overweights in EM stocks and commodities are the highest since November 2010 and February 2011, respectively. These proved to be the major (structural) tops in EM equities and commodities. Certainly, positioning in EM is even more crowded now than it was four weeks ago. Are EM equities at a point of exhaustion – where the rally runs out – or at a point of no gravity – where nothing will stop them from marching higher? In the near term, either is possible. It truly depends on investor behavior which is impossible to forecast with any high degree of certainty. Chart I-2Korean Stocks Have Benefited From Local Retail Mania For instance, retail mania has been happening not only in the US but also in many developing countries. In particular, the astonishing rally in Korean stocks has been propelled not by foreign investors but by local retail investors (Chart I-2). That is why traditional yardsticks of investment analysis have not been useful. In the medium and long term, the trend in global share prices, and thereby EM, will likely be shaped by issues where there is no consensus among investors. In our opinion, there are two subjects upon which investors disagree: (1) whether global and EM equity valuations are too expensive, and (2) whether US inflation will rise sufficiently so that the Federal Reserve abandons its super-easy monetary policy stance, and when markets will begin to price this in. EM equity valuations are not at all cheap. An uninterrupted advance will be possible if the FOMO (fear of missing out) evolves into a full-blown mania. This scenario cannot be ruled out especially with retail investors around the world continuing to flock into equity markets. Concerning US inflation, the odds are that it will rise sooner and faster than is expected by the market and the Fed. Although the Fed is unlikely to singlehandedly spoil the party, fixed-income markets could start pricing in rate hikes sooner rather than later with ramifications for share prices. We will discuss equity valuations in this report and devote a separate report in the coming weeks to the inflation outlook in the US and China. Market Implications Of The Blue Wave Chart I-3US Consumption Of Industrial Metals Is Too Small We expected US Republicans to maintain their majority in the Senate after Georgia’s Senate elections, thus dimming the likelihood of more large-scale fiscal stimulus. If realized, that would have triggered a rebound in the US dollar from very oversold levels. US Democrats effectively gaining control of the Senate has major implications for financial markets: America’s fiscal policy will be looser than otherwise. Swelling government spending will boost domestic demand and will produce a wider trade deficit and higher inflation. Yet, the Fed is unlikely to tighten policy anytime soon and real interest rates will remain negative. This is very bearish for the US dollar. Any rebound in the greenback, which is possible given its oversold conditions, should be faded. According to our Chief Geopolitical Strategist Matt Gertken, odds are that Democrats will partially repeal the corporate tax cuts enacted during Trump’s administration. This is negative for both the US dollar and for Wall Street. One of the main campaign promises of Democrats has been to address income inequality. Actions on this front are good for Main Street but these policies will weigh on corporate profitability. Big Tech faces a greater threat of taxes from a united Congress as opposed to a divided Congress, but Biden’s executive decrees will not be too harsh given that these companies are a major source of support for Democrats. US nominal interest rates will rise but so will nominal GDP growth. The negative impact of higher US bond yields on EM will be more than offset by two forces: a weaker US dollar and stronger exports to the US. Finally, the shift in US fiscal policy is clearly inflationary. However, the impact on commodities prices will be modest. The US accounts for only 8% of global industrial metals consumption compared to China’s 57% share (Chart I-3). So, a slowdown in China commencing in H2 2021 will more than offset the rise in US metals consumption. Concerning oil, the US is the world’s largest crude consumer. Hence, higher household income and spending are positive for oil prices. However, a forceful Democrat push toward green energy is structurally negative for US oil consumption. These two forces might offset each other leaving oil prices to be determined by other factors. Bottom Line: Democrat control of both houses of Congress is positive for US nominal GDP and, hence, for corporate revenues but is bearish for the US dollar and corporate profit margins. Net-net, this reinforces our view that US relative equity outperformance in common currency terms has already passed its secular top and is breaking down (Chart I-4, top panel). By contrast, this US policy shift is positive for EM financial markets (Chart I-4, bottom panel). We recommend a new trade/strategy: go long EM stocks / short the S&P 500. EM Equity Valuations In our opinion, global stocks, especially US ones, are expensive and EM equities are far from being cheap. Let’s begin with EM equity valuations: Chart I-5 shows our Composite Valuation Indicator (CVI) for the MSCI EM equity benchmark. It is an average of four individual valuation indicators: market cap-weighted, equal-weighted, trimmed mean, and median. Chart I-4US Equity Outperformance Is Over Chart I-5EM Equities: Good News Are Fully Priced In   In turn, each of these four indicators incorporates five multiples: forward P/E, trailing P/E, price-to-cash EPS, price-to-book value and price-to-dividend ratios. According to Chart I-5, EM equities are expensive. Not only are trailing P/E and price-to-cash EPS ratios extremely elevated but also the forward P/E ratio is the highest and the dividend yield is the lowest it has been in 18 years (Chart I-6). Even though EM stocks do not appear to be expensive based on a price-to-book value (PBV) ratio, a structural decline in EM return on equity (RoE) entails that the fair value range for the PBV ratio has downshifted over the past decade and the current reading should be taken with a grain of salt. Chart I-7 demonstrates that the RoEs for the entire MSCI EM universe, equal-weighted MSCI EM equity index and MSCI non-financial EM companies have deteriorated structurally. Hence, a decline in return on equity is widespread among EM-listed companies, i.e. it is not a feature unique to only large caps. Chart I-6EM Equity Multiples Chart I-7A Structural Drop In EM RoE Heralds Lower Multiples   In brief, the structural decline in EM RoE justifies a lower PBV ratio for EM equities (Chart I-7, bottom panel). Relative to DM, EM equities are not cheap. They are cheap versus their US peers but expensive versus European and Japanese stocks. Chart I-8 exhibits the relative Composite Valuation Indicator for EM relative to DM. For EM, it is the same as in Chart I-5 and for DM we use an identical measure. When discussing equity valuations, one should now distinguish between growth and value stocks. EM growth stocks are grossly overvalued as shown in the top panel of Chart I-9. EM value stocks are close to their fair value, i.e., they are not cheap (Chart I-9, bottom panel). Chart I-8EM Versus DM: Relative Equity Multiples Chart I-9Multiples For EM Growth And Value Stocks   A caveat is in order: all of these CVIs do not incorporate interest rates into valuation models. We look at equity multiples in the context of low interest rates in the sections that follow. Incorporating Interest Rates Into Equity Valuations Chart I-10EM Earnings Yields Adjusted For Local Bond Yields There are various ways to incorporate interest rates/the discount factor into equity valuations. One way is to calculate the difference between forward earnings yield (EY) and long-term bond yields. We use forward EY because trailing EPS is still depressed by the pandemic-induced economic crash, i.e., trailing P/Es do not provide a true valuation picture. Chart I-10 demonstrates the gap between EM forward EY and 10-year US bond yields (on the top panel) and the same forward EY and EM local bond yields (Chart I-10, bottom panel). Both measures are not far from their historical means. Hence, adjusted for bond yields, EM stocks are fairly valued. That said, there are two pertinent questions that follow from this: (1) how do EM equities compare to their DM peers; and (2) how well have these interest rate-adjusted valuation measures worked in markets where interest rates had dropped to zero. In other words, do near-zero interest rates warrant a secular bull market? We address this last topic in the section below. As to the first question, Chart I-11 presents the forward EY-local interest rate differential for major equity markets. A higher differential presage cheaper equity valuation relative to lower numbers. Chart I-11US And EM Equities Have Been Chronically Expensive Versus European And Japanese Ones According to this measure, Japanese and Euro Area equities have been and remain cheaper than US and EM equities. Chart I-12 ranks all individual EM equity benchmarks as well as major DM bourses based on the differential between forward EY and local nominal bond yields. Stocks in India, Indonesia, South Africa, Turkey, Mexico and Colombia are expensive, adjusted for local bond yields. Chart I-12Cross Country Valuation Ranking: Forward Earnings Yield Minus Local Bond Yields By contrast, equity markets in Central Europe, core Europe and Russia offer better value, relative to domestic bonds. The EM aggregate index, the Chinese investable benchmark and the S&P 500 fall in the middle of this valuation ranking. Bottom Line: Based on equity multiples, EM equities are expensive. However, when adjusted for interest rates, absolute valuation of EM equities is neutral. Relative to DM, the EM equity benchmark is not cheap. In fact, they are more expensive compared to European and Japanese stocks. Equity Valuation When Rates Are At Zero No doubt, equity prices should be re-rated as interest rates drop. However, what should the equilibrium P/E multiple be when interest rates are close to zero? Japan, the euro area and Switzerland offer a roadmap. Chart I-13Japanese And European Stocks Have Not Entered Structural Bull Markets Despite Negative Rates For some time now, these markets have had to process many of the same features that US and global markets are currently facing. Specifically: They have had negative policy rates and 10-year government bond yields for many years. Their central banks have been conducting some sort of QE programs. The Bank of Japan and the Swiss National Bank have been purchasing equities and the ECB has been buying corporate bonds. Finally, onward from 2012 until the eruption of the pandemic, economic growth in Japan, the euro area and Switzerland was decent. Despite negative interest rates, their broad equity markets have failed to break out into a structural bull market. Their stocks have re-rated, but the upside was capped (Chart I-13). Critically, the forward EY differential with their local government bond yields have stayed wide (Chart I-14). Chart I-14Japanese, Euro Area And Swiss Equities Have Not Re-Rated Despite Negative Bond Yields In sum, the experiences of Japanese, Swiss and other European markets show that zero or negative interest rates alone did not compel a secular bull market in share prices. Rather, equity re-rating in these bourses has been relatively moderate. Investment Considerations The Blue Wave is very bearish for the greenback as we argued above. This development has reduced our conviction regarding the magnitude and duration of any near-term US dollar rebound. It has in fact reinforced our medium- to long-term negative US dollar view. Potential EM currencies that investors should consider buying on a dip versus the US dollar are MXN, SGD, KRW, TWD, CNY, INR and CZK. For now, we continue to recommend a neutral allocation to EM equities and credit within global equity and credit portfolios, respectively. However, we note that odds of EM outperformance have risen with the Blue Wave in the US and ensuing US dollar depreciation. Yet, Europe and Japan presently offer a better risk/reward profile than EM. However, to reflect our strong conviction of a breakdown in US relative performance and a more upbeat view on EM versus US stocks, we recommend the following trade/strategy: long EM stocks / short the S&P 500, currency unhedged. Concerning the absolute performance of EM and DM stocks, they are very overbought, reasonably expensive and sentiment is very bullish. In normal times, this would argue for a pullback. For example, Chart I-15 shows that a rollover in the inverted US equity put-call ratio typically heralds a setback in the S&P500. Chart I-15A Red Flag? Do Indicators No Longer Work? However, if global stocks are moving from a FOMO stage to a mania phase, many traditional relationships and indicators might not work. This and the fact the EM equity index is at a critical juncture entails its outlook is currently highly uncertain – odds of a breakout (FOMO evolving into a mania) and a potential setback are equal. Finally, some housekeeping, we are closing the long Chinese Investable stocks / short Korean stocks recommendation. This trade has generated a massive loss of 33.5% as the KOSPI has taken off in recent weeks. We continue to overweight both Chinese and Korean equities within an EM equity portfolio. We will likely make changes to our recommended country allocations within equity and fixed-income portfolios in the coming weeks. Stay tuned. Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1  The Sentix Asset Classes Sentiment Emerging Markets Equities Index is polled among 5,000 European individual and institutional investors. In the survey, investors are asked about their medium-term price expectations for the asset class. Source: SENTIX.   Equities Recommendations Currencies, Credit And Fixed-Income Recommendations

Highlights The (earnings) yield premium on tech stocks versus the 10-year bond yield is at its 2.5 percent lower threshold that has signalled four previous market fragilities. Additionally, the 65-day fractal structure of stocks versus bonds has collapsed, signalling a high probability of an exhaustion or correction over the next 65 days. Likewise, the 130-day fractal structure of bitcoin has also collapsed, signalling a high probability of an exhaustion or correction over the next 130 days. Bond yields are unlikely to go much higher; they are likely to go lower. Prefer utilities within the value segment, and prefer healthcare within the growth segment. Offices and bricks-and-mortar retail will never fully reopen. This will devastate the jobs market once the protection from government-funded furlough schemes winds down in 2021. Feature The pandemic will ease in 2021, and with it many of the restrictions on our lives. Yet when it comes to the economy and investment, the great reopening narrative for 2021 is misleading because the world economy has already largely reopened. We quickly learned that, with some adaptations, like working from home, and doing our shopping online, almost all economic activity can resume during a raging global pandemic. As a result, global profits have already rebounded very strongly (Chart of the Week). Chart of the WeekGlobal Profits Have Already Rebounded Very Strongly Manufacturing is fully open. Construction is fully open. Industrial production is fully open. Finance and most services are fully open. Looking at the world’s two largest economies, China is already beyond its pre-pandemic levels of output (Chart I-2), while the US is a mere 0.9 percent below (based on the Atlanta Fed Nowcast of 2.6 percent growth in the fourth quarter)1 (Chart I-3). Chart I-2The Chinese Economy Has Already Rebounded Chart I-3The US Economy Has Already ##br##Rebounded   Offices And Bricks-And-Mortar Retail Will Never Fully Reopen In the great reopening narrative, the end of the pandemic will allow the full reopening of offices, shops, restaurants, bars, travel and leisure. But will former office workers flock back to their offices full-time, or even majority-time? Will consumers flock back to bricks-and-mortar retailers? Will firms flock back to the same extent of business travel? Our high conviction answers are no, no, and no. The reason we will not go back to the pre-pandemic way of doing things is because we have found a better way of doing things. Obviously, we will relish our re-found ability to go on holiday and to meet our fellow humans in the flesh. But do we really need to meet our co-workers every day, or even most days? Do we really need to do our shopping in person every time, or even most times? Do we really need to visit the overseas office every quarter? In 2021 and beyond, we will continue to work, shop, and interact more remotely, not because a pandemic forces us to, but because it improves the quality of our personal and working lives. It improves our standard of living. In 2021 and beyond, we will continue to work, shop, and interact more remotely. Unfortunately, there will be collateral damage. As working from home becomes mainstream, the ecosystem of city centre bars, restaurants, and shops that rely on office workers will wither. This ecosystem’s large footprint can be illustrated by a remarkable fact: the pre-pandemic populations of both Manhattan and central London were 2 million people greater during the weekday daytime than during the night-time. Likewise, as online shopping becomes the default, bricks-and-mortar retailing will go into terminal decline. This is significant because retail employs 10 percent of all workers in the US and the UK, the majority in bricks-and-mortar retail outlets. In the same way, more online meetings and fewer business trips means less employment in the travel and accommodation sectors.  The common thread connecting retail and accommodation and food services is that they produce relatively little output, but account for a lot of jobs – in fact, just 8 percent of output but 20 percent of all jobs (Table I-1). Table I-1Retail Plus Accommodation And Food Services Account For 8 Percent Of Output But 20 Percent Of Jobs Hence, as these sectors wither, the good news is that the impact on economic output will be modest. The bad news is that the ultimate impact on the jobs market will be devastating. Crucially, this ultimate impact on the jobs market will only be felt once the protection from government-funded furlough schemes winds down in 2021. In time, a dynamic economy will redeploy the army of shop assistants, city centre bar and restaurant staff, and cabin crew into fast growing sectors such as healthcare and education. But a process that requires retraining and reskilling will take years not months. During this long adjustment, there is likely to be huge slack in developed economy labour markets. Given that central banks are now explicitly targeting labour market slack, these central banks will be forced to keep nominal bond yields at ultra-low levels for a very long time. The Near-Term Constraint On Bond Yields In the near term, there is an even greater force holding bond yields in check, and that force is something that central banks also explicitly target – financial stability. Higher bond yields would imperil financial stability. The global stock market is at an all-time high because valuations stand 25 percent higher than a year ago (Chart I-4). Valuations have surged because bond yields have collapsed (Chart I-5), but even relative to these ultra-low bond yields, technology sector valuations are now stretched. Chart I-4The Global Stock Market Is At An All-Time High Because Valuations Are 25 Percent Higher Chart I-5Valuations Are 25 Percent Higher Because Bond Yields Have Collapsed The (earnings) yield premium on tech stocks versus the 10-year bond yield is at its 2.5 percent lower threshold that has signalled four previous market fragilities. These previous market fragilities resulted in an exhaustion, or worse, a correction in the stock market in February 2018, October 2018, April 2019, and January 2020. Just as important, these points of fragility signalled that bond yields were approaching a major or minor peak (Chart I-6). Chart I-6Tech Stock Valuations Are Fragile Hence, in the early part of 2021 at least, steer towards investments that will benefit from a backing down of bond yields. This means avoiding value stocks as an aggregate, because value cannot outperform growth unless bond yields are rising (Chart I-7). However, it also means avoiding growth stocks in aggregate as the fragility lies in tech stock valuations. Chart I-7Value Cannot Outperform Growth Unless Bond Yields Are Rising A good strategy is to prefer utilities within the value segment, given that utilities benefit from lower bond yields (Chart I-8). And prefer healthcare within the growth segment, given the sector’s more reasonable valuation. Chart I-8Banks Cannot Outperform Utilities Unless Bond Yields Are Rising Stocks Are Vulnerable… And So Is Bitcoin Manias occur in markets when marginal buyers keep flooding in at a higher and higher price. (Likewise, panics occur when marginal sellers keep flooding in at a lower and lower price.) The supply of marginal buyers fuelling the strong uptrend tends to come from longer-term investors who are uncharacteristically behaving like short-term momentum traders for fear of missing out on the rally. For example, an investor with a 130-day investment horizon shouldn’t buy because of a one-day price increase. If he does, then his investment horizon has shrunk to 1-day. In this example, the strong uptrend will run out of fuel when the 130-day investors who are fuelling it are all in. This is defined by the 130-day fractal structure of the investment collapsing, meaning that its 130-day fractal dimension has reached its lower bound. If someone now puts on a sell order, there are no more 130-day horizon investors available to be the marginal buyer at the current price. Having sucked in all the 130-day investors, an investor with an even longer horizon, say 260 days, must step in as the marginal buyer. The likely outcome is a price correction because the longer-term investor is likely to buy only when a lower price satisfies his value compass. The other possibility is that the 260-day investor joins the uptrend, becoming a marginal buyer at the current price, adding more fuel to the mania. This is the less likely outcome because the longer that an investor’s horizon is, the more faithful he is likely to be to his valuation compass. Nevertheless, sometimes the valuation compass goes awry because of structural shifts or massive intervention by policymakers, allowing the trend to continue. The above describes the basis of our proprietary fractal trading system. In a nutshell, when the fractal structure of an investment collapses, the probability of a trend reversal increases sharply, and the probability of a trend continuation decreases sharply. Right now, the 65-day fractal structure of stocks versus bonds has collapsed, signalling a high probability of an exhaustion or correction over the next 65 days (see final section). Likewise, the 130-day fractal structure of bitcoin has also collapsed, signalling a high probability of an exhaustion or correction over the next 130 days (Chart I-9). Chart I-9The 130-Day Fractal Structure Of Bitcoin Has Collapsed To be clear, these rallies can continue uninterrupted if longer-term investors join the bandwagon. But this would require them to discard their valuation compasses. Hence, on balance, we think that this is the lower probability outcome. Also, to be clear, the long-term direction of both stocks versus bonds and bitcoin is up. The vulnerability we refer to is of a tactical pullback within a structural uptrend. An Excellent Year For The Fractal Trading System Among our most recent trades, overweight Portugal versus Italy achieved its 7 percent profit target, and underweight Australian construction materials (James Hardie, Lendlease, and Boral) achieved its 6 percent profit target. This takes the 2020 win ratio to a very pleasing 63 percent, comprising 18.4 winning trades versus 11 losing trades. Using a position size that delivers 2 percent for a win (and -2 percent for a loss), this equates to a 2020 return of 15 percent with a worst drawdown of -6 percent. By comparison, the MSCI All Country World index delivered a similar return of 17 percent but with a much more severe worst drawdown of -34 percent. 63 percent is a great win ratio. 63 percent is a great win ratio, but our aim is to reach 70 percent. To this end we are preparing several enhancements to the system which we will unveil in the coming weeks. Stay tuned. Fractal Trading System* As already discussed, we are targeting a tactical pullback in the MSCI All Country World Index versus the 30-year T-bond. The profit-target and symmetrical stop-loss are set at 5.8 percent. Chart I-10 The rolling 12-month win ratio now stands at 63 percent. When the fractal dimension approaches the lower limit after an investment has been in an established trend it is a potential trigger for a liquidity-triggered trend reversal. Therefore, open a countertrend position. The profit target is a one-third reversal of the preceding 13-week move. Apply a symmetrical stop-loss. Close the position at the profit target or stop-loss. Otherwise close the position after 13 weeks. * For more details please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report “Fractals, Liquidity & A Trading Model,” dated   December 11, 2014, available at eis.bcaresearch.com.   Dhaval Joshi Chief European Investment Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 The GDP rebound creates a dissonance. If GDP is indicating a largely recovered economy, but our lives feel far from normal, is GDP really a good measure or objective for our wellbeing? We will leave a deeper discussion of this to a later date. Fractal Trading System   Cyclical Recommendations Structural Recommendations Closed Fractal Trades Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Currency & Bond Equity Sector Country Equity Indicators Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields   Interest Rate Chart II-5Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-6Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-7Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-8Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations  

Special Report

Dear Client, I am writing as the US Capitol goes under lockdown to tell you about a new development at BCA Research. Since you are a subscriber of Geopolitical Strategy, we wanted you to be the first to know. This month we are launching a new sister service, US Political Strategy, which will expand and deepen our coverage of investment-relevant US domestic political risks and opportunities. Over the past decade, we at Geopolitical Strategy have worked hard to craft an analytical framework that incorporates policy insights into the investment process in a systematic and data-dependent way. We have learned a lot from your input and have refined our method, while also building new quantitative models and indicators to supplement our qualitative, theme-based coverage. While our method served us well in 2020, the frantic US election cycle often caused clients to lament that US politics had begun to crowd out our traditional focus on truly global themes and trends. We concurred. Therefore we have decided to expand our team and deepen our coverage. With a series of new hires, we are now better positioned to provide greater depth on US markets in US Political Strategy while redoubling our traditional global sweep in the pages of Geopolitical Strategy. Going forward, US Political Strategy will cover executive orders, Capitol Hill, federal agencies, regulatory risk, the Supreme Court, emerging socioeconomic trends, and their impacts on key US sectors and assets. It will be BCA Research’s newest premium investment strategy service and will include the full gamut of weekly reports, special reports, webcasts, and client conferences. Meanwhile Geopolitical Strategy will return to its core competency of geopolitics writ large – including the US in its global impacts, but diving deeper into the politics and markets of China, Europe, India, Japan, Russia, the Middle East, and select emerging markets.  Both strategies will utilize our proprietary analytical framework, which relies on data-driven assessments of the “checks and balances” that shape policy outcomes (i.e. comparing constraints versus preferences). As you know best, we are agnostic about political parties, transparent about conviction levels and scenario probabilities, and solely focused on getting the market calls right. To this end, we offer you a complimentary trial subscription of US Political Strategy. We aim to become an integral part of your work flow – separating the wheat from the chaff in the political and geopolitical sphere so that you can focus on honing your investment process. We know you will be pleased to see Geopolitical Strategy return to its roots – and we hope you will consider diving deeper with us into US politics and markets. We look forward to hearing from you. Happy New Year! All very best, Matt Gertken, Vice President BCA Research   The outgoing Trump administration is powerless to stop the presidential transition and the US military and security forces will not participate in any “coup.” Investors should buy the dip if social instability affects the markets between now and President-elect Joe Biden’s Inauguration Day. Democrats have achieved a sweep of US government with two victories in Georgia’s Senate election. The Biden administration is no longer destined for paralysis. Investors no longer need fear a premature tightening of US fiscal policy. Fiscal thrust will expand by around 6.9% of GDP more than it otherwise would have in FY2021 and contract by 12.3% of GDP in FY2022. Democrats will partly repeal the Trump tax cuts to pay for new spending programs, including an expansion and entrenchment of Obamacare. Big Tech is the most exposed to the combination of higher corporate taxes and inflation expectations. Investors should go long risk assets and reflation plays on a 12-month basis. We recommend value over growth stocks, materials over tech, TIPS over nominal treasuries, infrastructure plays, and municipal bonds. The special US Senate elections in Georgia produced a two-seat victory for Democrats on January 5 and have thus given the Democratic Party de facto control of the Senate.Financial markets have awaited this election with bated breath. The “reflation trade” – bets on economic recovery on the back of ultra-dovish monetary and fiscal policy – had taken a pause for the election. There was a slight setback in treasury yields and the outperformance of cyclical, small cap, and value stocks, which rallied sharply after the November 3 general election (Chart 1). The Democratic victory ensures that US corporate and individual taxes will go up – triggering a one-off drop in earnings per share of about 11%, according to our US Equity Strategist Anastasios Avgeriou (Table 1). But it also brings more proactive fiscal policy. Since the Democrats project larger new spending programs financed by tax hikes, the big takeaway is that the US economic recovery will gain momentum and will not be undermined by premature fiscal tightening. Chart 1Markets Will Look Through Unrest To Reflation   Table 1What EPS Hit To Expect? Chart 2Democrats Won Georgia Seats, US Senate Republicans Snatch Defeat From Jaws Of Victory The results of the Georgia runoffs, at the latest count, are shown in Chart 2. Republican Senator David Perdue has not yet officially lost the race, as votes are still being tallied, but he trails his Democratic challenger Jon Ossoff by 16,370 votes. This is a gap that is unlikely to be changed by subsequent vote disputes or recounts (though it is possible and the results are not yet declared as we go to press). President-elect Joe Biden only lost 1,274 votes to President Trump when ballots were recounted by hand in November. The Democratic victory offers some slight consolation for opinion pollsters who underestimated Republicans in the general election in certain states. Opinion polls had shown a dead heat in both of Georgia’s races, with Republican Senators Perdue and Kelly Loeffler deviating by 1.4% and 0.4% respectively from their support rate in the average of polls in December. Democratic challengers Jon Ossoff and Raphael Warnock differed by 1.3% and 2.3% from their final polling (Charts 3A & 3B). Chart 3AOpinion Pollsters Did Better … Chart 3B… In Georgia Runoffs By comparison, in the November 3 general election, polls underestimated Perdue by 1.3% and overestimated Warnock by 5.3% (Chart 4). On the whole, the election shows that state-level opinion polling can improve to address new challenges. Our quantitative Senate election model had given Republicans a 78% chance of winning Georgia. This they did in the first round of the election, but conditions have changed since November 3, namely due to President Trump’s refusal to concede the election after the Electoral College voted on December 14.1 Our model is based on structural factors so it did not distinguish between the two Senate candidates in the same state. For the whole election, the model predicted that Democrats would win a net of three seats, resulting in a Republican majority of 51-49. Today we see that the model only missed two states: Maine and Georgia. But Georgia has made all the difference, with the result to be 50-50, for Vice President Kamala Harris to break the tie (Chart 5). Chart 4Ossoff In Line With Polls, Warnock Slightly Beat Chart 5Our Quant Model Missed Maine And Georgia – And Georgia Carries Two Seats To Turn The Senate COVID-19 likely took a further toll on Republican support in the interim between the two election rounds. The third wave of the COVID-19 pandemic has not peaked in the US or the Peach State. While the number of cases has spiked in Georgia as elsewhere, the number of deaths has not yet followed (Chart 6). Chart 6COVID-19 Surged Since November Lame Duck Trump Risk Before proceeding to the policy impacts of the apparent Democratic sweep of both executive and legislative branches, a word must be said about the presidential transition and President Trump’s final 14 days in office. First, the Joint Session of Congress to count the Electoral College ballots to certify the election of the new US president has been interrupted as we go to press. There is zero chance that protesters storming the proceedings will change the outcome of the election. The counting of the electoral votes can be interrupted for debate; it will be reconvened. Disputes over the vote could theoretically become meaningful if Republicans controlled both the House and the Senate, as the combined voice of the legislature could challenge the legitimacy of a state’s electoral votes. But today the Republicans only control the Senate, and while some will press isolated challenges, based on legal disputes of variable merit, these challenges will not gain traction in the Senate let alone in the Democratic-controlled House. What did the US learn from this controversial election? US political polarization is reaching extreme peaks which are putting strain on the formal political system, but Trump lacks the strength in key government bodies to overturn the election. Second, there was no willingness of state legislatures to challenge their state executives on the vote results. This has to do with the evidence upon which challenges could be lodged, but there is also a built-in constraint. Any state legislature whose ruling party opposes the popular result will by definition put its own popular support in jeopardy in the next election. Third, the Supreme Court largely washed its hands of state-level disputes settled by state-level courts. Historically, the Supreme Court never played a role in presidential elections. The year 2000 was an exception, as the high court said at the time. The 2020 election has established a high bar for any future Supreme Court involvement, though someday it will likely be called on to weigh in. Hysteria regarding the conservative leaning on the court – which is now a three-seat gap – was misplaced. The three Supreme Court justices appointed by Trump took no partisan or interventionist role. Nevertheless, the court’s conservative leaning will be one of the Trump administration’s biggest legacies. The marginal judge in controversial cases is now more conservative and will take a larger role given that Democrats now have a greater ability to pass legislation by taking the Senate. President Trump is still in office for 14 days. There is zero chance of a successful military coup or anything of the sort in a republic in which institutions are strong and the military swears allegiance to the constitution. Attempts to oppose the Electoral College and Congress will be opposed – and ultimately they will be met with an overwhelming reassertion of the rule of law. All ten of the surviving secretaries of defense of the United States have signed an open letter saying that the election results should no longer be resisted and that any defense officials who try to involve the military in settling electoral disputes could be criminally liable.2 With Trump’s options for contesting the election foreclosed, he will turn to signing a flurry of executive orders to cement his legacy. His primary legacy is the US confrontation with China, so he will continue to impose sanctions on China on the way out, posing a tactical risk to equity prices. The business community will be slow to comply, however, so the next administration will set China policy. There is a small possibility that Trump will order economic or even military action against Iran or any other state that provokes the United States. But Trump is opposed to foreign wars and the bureaucracy would obstruct any major actions that do not conform with national interests. Basically, Trump’s final 14 days may pose a downside risk to equities that have rallied sharply since the November 9 vaccine announcement but we are long equities and reflation plays. Sweeps Just As Good For Stocks As Gridlock The balance of power in Congress is shown in Chart 7. The majorities are extremely thin, which means that although Democrats now have control, there will remain high uncertainty over the passage of legislation, at least until the 2022 midterm elections. Investors can now draw three solid conclusions about the makeup of US government from the 2020 election: The White House’s political capital has substantially improved – President-elect Joe Biden no longer faces a divided Congress. He won by a 4.5% popular margin (51.4% of the total), bringing the popular and electoral vote back into alignment. He will have a higher net approval rating than Trump in general, and household sentiment, business sentiment, and economic conditions will improve from depressed, pandemic-stricken levels over the course of his term. The Senate is evenly split but Democrats will pass some major legislation – Thin margins in the Senate make it hard to pass legislation in general. However, the budget reconciliation process enables laws to pass with a simple majority if they involve fiscal matters. Hence, Democrats will be able to legislate additional COVID relief and social support that they were not able to pass in the end-of-year budget bill. They can pass a reconciliation bill for fiscal 2022 as well. They will focus on economic recovery followed by expanding and entrenching the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare). We fully expect a partial repeal of Trump’s Tax Cut and Jobs Act, if not initially then later in the year. Democrats only have a five-seat majority in the House of Representatives – Democrats will vote with their party and thus 222 seats is enough to maintain a working majority. But the most radical parts of the agenda, such as the Green New Deal, will be hard to pass. Chart 7Democrats Control Both Houses With the thinnest possible margin, the Senate has a highly unreliable balance of power. Table 2 shows top three Republicans and Democrats in terms of age, centrist ideology, and independent mentality. Four senators are above the age of 85 – they can vote freely and could also retire or pass away. Centrist and maverick senators will carry enormous weight as they will provide the decisive votes. The obvious example is Senator Joe Manchin of West Virginia, who has opposed the far-left wing of his party on critical issues such as the Green New Deal, defunding the police, and the filibuster. Table 2The Senate Will Hinge On These Senators The Democrats could conceivably muster the 51 votes to eliminate the filibuster, which requires a 60-vote majority to pass most legislation, but it will be very difficult. Senators Dianne Feinstein (D, CA), Angus King (I, ME), Kyrsten Sinema (D, AZ), Jon Tester (D, MT), and Manchin are all skeptical of revoking this critical hurdle to Senate legislation.3 We would not rule it out, however. The US has reached a point of “peak polarization” in which surprises should be expected. By the same token, Republican Senators Lisa Murkowski and Susan Collins often vote against their party. Collins just won yet another tough race in Maine due to her ability to bridge the partisan gap. There are also mavericks like Rand Paul – and Ted Cruz will have to rethink his populist strategy given his thin margins of victory and the Trump-induced Republican defeat in the South. Not shown are other moderates who will be eager to cross the political aisle, such as Senator Mitt Romney of Utah. None of the above means Democrats will fail to raise taxes. All Democrats voted against Trump’s Tax Cut and Jobs Act, which did not end up being popular or politically beneficial for the Republicans. The Democratic base is fired up and mobilized by Trump to pursue its core agenda of increasing the government role in US society and the economy and redressing various imbalances and disparities. This requires revenue, especially if it is to be done with only 51 votes via the budget reconciliation process. The two Democratic senators from Arizona are vulnerable, but they will toe the party line because Trump and the GOP were out of step with the median voter. Moreover, Arizonians voted for higher taxes in a state ballot measure in November. Since 1980, gridlocked government has resulted in higher average annual returns on the S&P500. But since 1949, single-party sweeps have slightly edged out gridlocked governments in stock returns, though the results are about the same (Chart 8). The point is that gridlock makes it hard for government to get big things done. Sometimes that is positive for markets, sometimes not. The macro backdrop is what matters. The Federal Reserve is unlikely to start tightening until late 2022 at earliest and fiscal thrust in 2021-22 will be more expansionary now that the Democrats have control of the Senate. This policy backdrop is negative for the dollar and positive for risk assets, especially equity sectors that will suffer least from impending corporate tax hikes, such as energy, industrials, consumer staples, materials, and financials. Chart 8Sweeps Don’t Always Underperform Gridlock Meanwhile, Biden will have far less trouble getting his cabinet and judicial appointments through the Senate (Appendix). His appointees so far reflect his desire to return the US to “rule by experts,” as opposed to Trump’s disruptive style of personal rule. Investors will cheer the return to technocrats and predictable policymaking even if they later relearn that experts make gigantic mistakes too. Fiscal Policy Outlook The critical feature of the Trump administration was the COVID-19 pandemic, which sent the US budget deficit soaring to World War II levels relative to GDP. In the coming years, the change in the budget deficit (fiscal thrust) will necessarily be negative, dragging on growth rates (Chart 9). Fiscal policy determines how heavy and abrupt that drag will be. Chart 9US Budget Deficit Surged – Pace Of Normalization Matters Chart 10 presents four scenarios that we adjusted based on data from the Congressional Budget Office. The baseline would see an extraordinary 6.7% of GDP contraction in the budget deficit that would kill the recovery, which the Georgia outcome has now rendered irrelevant. The “Republican Status Quo” scenario is now the minimum. Chart 10Democratic Sweep Suggests Big Fiscal Thrust In FY2021 And Less Contraction FY2022 The “Democratic Status Quo” scenario assumes that the $600 per household rebate will be increased to $2,000 per family and that the remaining $2.5 trillion of the Democrats’ proposed HEROES Act will be enacted. The “Democratic High” scenario adds Biden’s $5.6 trillion policy agenda on top of the Democratic status quo, supercharging the economic recovery with a fiscal bonanza. Biden will not achieve all of this, so the reality will lie somewhere between the solid blue and dotted blue lines. This Democratic status quo implies a 6.9% of GDP expansion of the deficit in FY2021. It also implies that the deficit will contract by 12.3% of GDP in FY2022, instead of 13.5% in the Republican status quo scenario. The economic recovery will be better supported. So, too, will the Fed’s timeline for rate hikes – but the Fed’s new strategy of average inflation targeting shows that it is targeting an inflation overshoot. So the threat of Fed liftoff is not immediate. The longer the extraordinary fiscal largesse is maintained, the greater the impact on inflation expectations and the more upward pressure on bond yields (Chart 11). Big Tech will be the one to suffer while Big Banks, industrials, materials, and energy will benefit. Chart 11Bond Bearish Blue Sweep Our US Political Risk Matrix There is no correlation between fiscal thrust and equity returns. This is true whether we consider the broad market, cyclicals/defensives, value/growth stocks, or small/large caps (Chart 12). Normally, fiscal thrust surges when recessions and bear markets occur, leading to volatility in asset prices. However, in the new monetary policy context, the risk is to the upside for the above-mentioned sectors, styles, and segments. Looking at sector performance before and after the November 3 election and November 9 vaccine announcement, there has been a clear shift from pandemic losers to pandemic winners. Big Tech and Consumer Discretionary (Amazon) thrived during the period before the vaccine, while value stocks (industrials, energy, financials) suffered the most from the lockdowns. These trends have reversed, with energy and financials outperforming the market since November (Chart 13). The Biden administration poses regulatory risks for Big Oil and arguably Big Banks, but these will come into play after the market has priced in economic normalization and the emerging consensus in favor of monetary-fiscal policy coordination, which is very positive for these sectors. Chart 12Fiscal Thrust Not Correlated With Stocks Chart 13Energy And Financials Turned Around With Vaccine In the case of energy, as stated above, the Biden administration will still struggle to get anything resembling the Green New Deal approved in Congress. Nevertheless, environmental regulation will expand and piecemeal measures to promote research and development, renewables, electric vehicles, and other green initiatives may pass. Large cap energy firms are capable of adjusting to this kind of transition. Coal companies are obviously losers. In the case of financials, Biden’s record is not unfriendly to the financial industry. His nominee for Treasury Secretary, former Fed Chair Janet Yellen, approved of the relaxation of some of its more stringent financial regulations under the Trump administration. Big Banks are no longer the target of popular animus like they were after the 2008 financial crisis – in that regard they have given way to Big Tech. Our US Investment Strategist Doug Peta argues that the Democratic sweep will smother any gathering momentum in personal loan defaults, which would help banks outperform the broad market. Biden’s regulatory approach to Big Tech will be measured, as the Obama administration’s alliance with Silicon Valley persists, but tech stands to suffer the most from higher taxes, especially a minimum corporate tax rate. With a unified Congress, it is also now possible that new legislation could expand tech regulation. There is a bipartisan consensus emerging on tech regulation so Republican votes can be garnered. Tech thrives on growth-scarce, disinflationary environments whereas the latest developments are positive for inflation expectations. In the recent lead-up to the Georgia vote, industrials, financials, and consumer discretionary stocks have not benefited much, even though they should (Chart 14). These are investment opportunities. Chart 14Upside For Energy And Financials Despite Regulatory Risk In our Political Risk Matrix, we establish these views as our baseline political tilts, to be applied to the BCA Research House View of our US Equity Strategy. The results are shown in Table 3. When equity sectors become technically stretched, the political impacts will become more salient. Table 3US Political Risk Matrix Investment Takeaways Over the past few years our sister Geopolitical Strategy has written extensively about “Civil War Lite,” “Peak Polarization,” and contested elections in the United States. We will dive deeper into these themes and issues in forthcoming reports, but for now suffice it to say that extremist events will galvanize the majority of the nation behind the new administration while also driving politicians of both stripes to use pork-barrel spending to try to stabilize the country. Congress will err on the side of providing too much fiscal stimulus just as surely as the Fed is bent on erring on the side of providing too much monetary stimulus. That means reflation, which will ultimately boost stocks in 2021. We also expect stocks to outperform government bonds, at least on a tactical 3-6 month timeframe. As the above makes clear, we prefer value stocks over growth stocks. Specifically we favor cyclical plays like materials over the big five of Google, Apple, Amazon, Microsoft, and Facebook. An infrastructure bill was one of the few legislative options for the Biden administration under gridlock, now it is even more likely. Infrastructure is popular and both presidential candidates competed to see who could offer the bigger plan. Moreover, what Biden cannot achieve under the rubric of climate policy he can try to achieve under the rubric of infrastructure. The BCA US Infrastructure Basket correlates with the US budget deficit as well as growth in China/EM and we recommend investors pursue similar plays. In the fixed income space, Treasury inflation protected securities (TIPS) are likely to continue outperforming nominal, duration-matched government bonds. Our US Bond Strategist Ryan Swift is on alert to downgrade this recommendation, but the change in US government configuration at least motivates a tactical overweight in TIPS. The chances of US state and local governments receiving fiscal support – previously denied by the GOP Senate – has increased so we will also go long municipal bonds relative to treasuries.   Matt Gertken Vice President US Political Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Appendix Table A1Biden’s Cabinet Position Appointments   Footnotes 1     Perdue defeated Ossoff on November 3 but fell short of the 50% threshold to avoid a second round; meanwhile the cumulative Republican vote in the multi-candidate special election outnumbered the cumulative Democratic vote on November 3. 2     Ashton Carter, Dick Cheney, William Cohen, et al, “All 10 living former defense secretaries: Involving the military in election disputes would cross into dangerous territory,” Washington Post, January 3, 2021, washingtonpost.com. 3    Jordain Carney, “Filibuster fight looms if Democrats retake Senate,” The Hill, August 25, 2020, thehill.com.  

Dear Client, The US Capitol is going on lockdown as we write to introduce BCA Research’s newest investment service, US Political Strategy, in this inaugural report. US Political Strategy will provide timely and actionable policy insights for US-dedicated, multi-asset investors. It grew naturally out of our successful Geopolitical Strategy service, which has become an industry leader in combining geopolitical and market analysis over the past decade. By client demand, we are expanding our policy team and deepening our coverage of policy-induced macro and market themes and trends. US Political Strategy will delve deep into domestic US politics: executive orders, Capitol Hill, regulatory risk, the Supreme Court, emerging socioeconomic trends, and their impacts on key US sectors and assets. Meanwhile, Geopolitical Strategy will redouble its focus on truly global and geopolitical risks and opportunities, including US foreign and trade policy but more especially China, Europe, and other major markets. Both strategies utilize our proprietary analytical framework, which relies on data-driven assessments of the “checks and balances” that shape policy outcomes. As with all our research, we are agnostic about political parties, transparent about our conviction levels and scenario probabilities, and solely focused on actionable investment advice. For more information please visit the US Political Strategy webpage. For a free trial please reach out to your BCA Research account manager or email contactbca@bcaresearch.com. We trust you will find this enhancement of coverage insightful and profitable. Happy New Year! All very best, Matt Gertken Vice President BCA Research   The outgoing Trump administration is powerless to stop the presidential transition and the US military and security forces will not participate in any “coup.” Investors should buy the dip if social instability affects the markets between now and President-elect Joe Biden’s Inauguration Day. Democrats have achieved a sweep of US government with two victories in Georgia’s Senate election. The Biden administration is no longer destined for paralysis. Investors no longer need fear a premature tightening of US fiscal policy. Fiscal thrust will expand by around 6.9% of GDP more than it otherwise would have in FY2021 and contract by 12.3% of GDP in FY2022. Democrats will partly repeal the Trump tax cuts to pay for new spending programs, including an expansion and entrenchment of Obamacare. Big Tech is the most exposed to the combination of higher corporate taxes and inflation expectations. Investors should go long risk assets and reflation plays on a 12-month basis. We recommend value over growth stocks, materials over tech, TIPS over nominal treasuries, infrastructure plays, and municipal bonds. The special US Senate elections in Georgia produced a two-seat victory for Democrats on January 5 and have thus given the Democratic Party de facto control of the Senate.Financial markets have awaited this election with bated breath. The “reflation trade” – bets on economic recovery on the back of ultra-dovish monetary and fiscal policy – had taken a pause for the election. There was a slight setback in treasury yields and the outperformance of cyclical, small cap, and value stocks, which rallied sharply after the November 3 general election (Chart 1). The Democratic victory ensures that US corporate and individual taxes will go up – triggering a one-off drop in earnings per share of about 11%, according to our US Equity Strategist Anastasios Avgeriou (Table 1). But it also brings more proactive fiscal policy. Since the Democrats project larger new spending programs financed by tax hikes, the big takeaway is that the US economic recovery will gain momentum and will not be undermined by premature fiscal tightening. Chart 1Markets Will Look Through Unrest To Reflation   Table 1What EPS Hit To Expect? Chart 2Democrats Won Georgia Seats, US Senate Republicans Snatch Defeat From Jaws Of Victory The results of the Georgia runoffs, at the latest count, are shown in Chart 2. Republican Senator David Perdue has not yet officially lost the race, as votes are still being tallied, but he trails his Democratic challenger Jon Ossoff by 16,370 votes. This is a gap that is unlikely to be changed by subsequent vote disputes or recounts (though it is possible and the results are not yet declared as we go to press). President-elect Joe Biden only lost 1,274 votes to President Trump when ballots were recounted by hand in November. The Democratic victory offers some slight consolation for opinion pollsters who underestimated Republicans in the general election in certain states. Opinion polls had shown a dead heat in both of Georgia’s races, with Republican Senators Perdue and Kelly Loeffler deviating by 1.4% and 0.4% respectively from their support rate in the average of polls in December. Democratic challengers Jon Ossoff and Raphael Warnock differed by 1.3% and 2.3% from their final polling (Charts 3A & 3B). Chart 3AOpinion Pollsters Did Better … Chart 3B… In Georgia Runoffs By comparison, in the November 3 general election, polls underestimated Perdue by 1.3% and overestimated Warnock by 5.3% (Chart 4). On the whole, the election shows that state-level opinion polling can improve to address new challenges. Our quantitative Senate election model had given Republicans a 78% chance of winning Georgia. This they did in the first round of the election, but conditions have changed since November 3, namely due to President Trump’s refusal to concede the election after the Electoral College voted on December 14.1 Our model is based on structural factors so it did not distinguish between the two Senate candidates in the same state. For the whole election, the model predicted that Democrats would win a net of three seats, resulting in a Republican majority of 51-49. Today we see that the model only missed two states: Maine and Georgia. But Georgia has made all the difference, with the result to be 50-50, for Vice President Kamala Harris to break the tie (Chart 5). Chart 4Ossoff In Line With Polls, Warnock Slightly Beat Chart 5Our Quant Model Missed Maine And Georgia – And Georgia Carries Two Seats To Turn The Senate COVID-19 likely took a further toll on Republican support in the interim between the two election rounds. The third wave of the COVID-19 pandemic has not peaked in the US or the Peach State. While the number of cases has spiked in Georgia as elsewhere, the number of deaths has not yet followed (Chart 6). Chart 6COVID-19 Surged Since November Lame Duck Trump Risk Before proceeding to the policy impacts of the apparent Democratic sweep of both executive and legislative branches, a word must be said about the presidential transition and President Trump’s final 14 days in office. First, the Joint Session of Congress to count the Electoral College ballots to certify the election of the new US president has been interrupted as we go to press. There is zero chance that protesters storming the proceedings will change the outcome of the election. The counting of the electoral votes can be interrupted for debate; it will be reconvened. Disputes over the vote could theoretically become meaningful if Republicans controlled both the House and the Senate, as the combined voice of the legislature could challenge the legitimacy of a state’s electoral votes. But today the Republicans only control the Senate, and while some will press isolated challenges, based on legal disputes of variable merit, these challenges will not gain traction in the Senate let alone in the Democratic-controlled House. What did the US learn from this controversial election? US political polarization is reaching extreme peaks which are putting strain on the formal political system, but Trump lacks the strength in key government bodies to overturn the election. Second, there was no willingness of state legislatures to challenge their state executives on the vote results. This has to do with the evidence upon which challenges could be lodged, but there is also a built-in constraint. Any state legislature whose ruling party opposes the popular result will by definition put its own popular support in jeopardy in the next election. Third, the Supreme Court largely washed its hands of state-level disputes settled by state-level courts. Historically, the Supreme Court never played a role in presidential elections. The year 2000 was an exception, as the high court said at the time. The 2020 election has established a high bar for any future Supreme Court involvement, though someday it will likely be called on to weigh in. Hysteria regarding the conservative leaning on the court – which is now a three-seat gap – was misplaced. The three Supreme Court justices appointed by Trump took no partisan or interventionist role. Nevertheless, the court’s conservative leaning will be one of the Trump administration’s biggest legacies. The marginal judge in controversial cases is now more conservative and will take a larger role given that Democrats now have a greater ability to pass legislation by taking the Senate. President Trump is still in office for 14 days. There is zero chance of a successful military coup or anything of the sort in a republic in which institutions are strong and the military swears allegiance to the constitution. Attempts to oppose the Electoral College and Congress will be opposed – and ultimately they will be met with an overwhelming reassertion of the rule of law. All ten of the surviving secretaries of defense of the United States have signed an open letter saying that the election results should no longer be resisted and that any defense officials who try to involve the military in settling electoral disputes could be criminally liable.2 With Trump’s options for contesting the election foreclosed, he will turn to signing a flurry of executive orders to cement his legacy. His primary legacy is the US confrontation with China, so he will continue to impose sanctions on China on the way out, posing a tactical risk to equity prices. The business community will be slow to comply, however, so the next administration will set China policy. There is a small possibility that Trump will order economic or even military action against Iran or any other state that provokes the United States. But Trump is opposed to foreign wars and the bureaucracy would obstruct any major actions that do not conform with national interests. Basically, Trump’s final 14 days may pose a downside risk to equities that have rallied sharply since the November 9 vaccine announcement but we are long equities and reflation plays. Sweeps Just As Good For Stocks As Gridlock The balance of power in Congress is shown in Chart 7. The majorities are extremely thin, which means that although Democrats now have control, there will remain high uncertainty over the passage of legislation, at least until the 2022 midterm elections. Investors can now draw three solid conclusions about the makeup of US government from the 2020 election: The White House’s political capital has substantially improved – President-elect Joe Biden no longer faces a divided Congress. He won by a 4.5% popular margin (51.4% of the total), bringing the popular and electoral vote back into alignment. He will have a higher net approval rating than Trump in general, and household sentiment, business sentiment, and economic conditions will improve from depressed, pandemic-stricken levels over the course of his term. The Senate is evenly split but Democrats will pass some major legislation – Thin margins in the Senate make it hard to pass legislation in general. However, the budget reconciliation process enables laws to pass with a simple majority if they involve fiscal matters. Hence, Democrats will be able to legislate additional COVID relief and social support that they were not able to pass in the end-of-year budget bill. They can pass a reconciliation bill for fiscal 2022 as well. They will focus on economic recovery followed by expanding and entrenching the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare). We fully expect a partial repeal of Trump’s Tax Cut and Jobs Act, if not initially then later in the year. Democrats only have a five-seat majority in the House of Representatives – Democrats will vote with their party and thus 222 seats is enough to maintain a working majority. But the most radical parts of the agenda, such as the Green New Deal, will be hard to pass. Chart 7Democrats Control Both Houses With the thinnest possible margin, the Senate has a highly unreliable balance of power. Table 2 shows top three Republicans and Democrats in terms of age, centrist ideology, and independent mentality. Four senators are above the age of 85 – they can vote freely and could also retire or pass away. Centrist and maverick senators will carry enormous weight as they will provide the decisive votes. The obvious example is Senator Joe Manchin of West Virginia, who has opposed the far-left wing of his party on critical issues such as the Green New Deal, defunding the police, and the filibuster. Table 2The Senate Will Hinge On These Senators The Democrats could conceivably muster the 51 votes to eliminate the filibuster, which requires a 60-vote majority to pass most legislation, but it will be very difficult. Senators Dianne Feinstein (D, CA), Angus King (I, ME), Kyrsten Sinema (D, AZ), Jon Tester (D, MT), and Manchin are all skeptical of revoking this critical hurdle to Senate legislation.3 We would not rule it out, however. The US has reached a point of “peak polarization” in which surprises should be expected. By the same token, Republican Senators Lisa Murkowski and Susan Collins often vote against their party. Collins just won yet another tough race in Maine due to her ability to bridge the partisan gap. There are also mavericks like Rand Paul – and Ted Cruz will have to rethink his populist strategy given his thin margins of victory and the Trump-induced Republican defeat in the South. Not shown are other moderates who will be eager to cross the political aisle, such as Senator Mitt Romney of Utah. None of the above means Democrats will fail to raise taxes. All Democrats voted against Trump’s Tax Cut and Jobs Act, which did not end up being popular or politically beneficial for the Republicans. The Democratic base is fired up and mobilized by Trump to pursue its core agenda of increasing the government role in US society and the economy and redressing various imbalances and disparities. This requires revenue, especially if it is to be done with only 51 votes via the budget reconciliation process. The two Democratic senators from Arizona are vulnerable, but they will toe the party line because Trump and the GOP were out of step with the median voter. Moreover, Arizonians voted for higher taxes in a state ballot measure in November. Since 1980, gridlocked government has resulted in higher average annual returns on the S&P500. But since 1949, single-party sweeps have slightly edged out gridlocked governments in stock returns, though the results are about the same (Chart 8). The point is that gridlock makes it hard for government to get big things done. Sometimes that is positive for markets, sometimes not. The macro backdrop is what matters. The Federal Reserve is unlikely to start tightening until late 2022 at earliest and fiscal thrust in 2021-22 will be more expansionary now that the Democrats have control of the Senate. This policy backdrop is negative for the dollar and positive for risk assets, especially equity sectors that will suffer least from impending corporate tax hikes, such as energy, industrials, consumer staples, materials, and financials. Chart 8Sweeps Don’t Always Underperform Gridlock Meanwhile, Biden will have far less trouble getting his cabinet and judicial appointments through the Senate (Appendix). His appointees so far reflect his desire to return the US to “rule by experts,” as opposed to Trump’s disruptive style of personal rule. Investors will cheer the return to technocrats and predictable policymaking even if they later relearn that experts make gigantic mistakes too. Fiscal Policy Outlook The critical feature of the Trump administration was the COVID-19 pandemic, which sent the US budget deficit soaring to World War II levels relative to GDP. In the coming years, the change in the budget deficit (fiscal thrust) will necessarily be negative, dragging on growth rates (Chart 9). Fiscal policy determines how heavy and abrupt that drag will be. Chart 9US Budget Deficit Surged – Pace Of Normalization Matters Chart 10 presents four scenarios that we adjusted based on data from the Congressional Budget Office. The baseline would see an extraordinary 6.7% of GDP contraction in the budget deficit that would kill the recovery, which the Georgia outcome has now rendered irrelevant. The “Republican Status Quo” scenario is now the minimum. Chart 10Democratic Sweep Suggests Big Fiscal Thrust In FY2021 And Less Contraction FY2022 The “Democratic Status Quo” scenario assumes that the $600 per household rebate will be increased to $2,000 per family and that the remaining $2.5 trillion of the Democrats’ proposed HEROES Act will be enacted. The “Democratic High” scenario adds Biden’s $5.6 trillion policy agenda on top of the Democratic status quo, supercharging the economic recovery with a fiscal bonanza. Biden will not achieve all of this, so the reality will lie somewhere between the solid blue and dotted blue lines. This Democratic status quo implies a 6.9% of GDP expansion of the deficit in FY2021. It also implies that the deficit will contract by 12.3% of GDP in FY2022, instead of 13.5% in the Republican status quo scenario. The economic recovery will be better supported. So, too, will the Fed’s timeline for rate hikes – but the Fed’s new strategy of average inflation targeting shows that it is targeting an inflation overshoot. So the threat of Fed liftoff is not immediate. The longer the extraordinary fiscal largesse is maintained, the greater the impact on inflation expectations and the more upward pressure on bond yields (Chart 11). Big Tech will be the one to suffer while Big Banks, industrials, materials, and energy will benefit. Chart 11Bond Bearish Blue Sweep Our US Political Risk Matrix There is no correlation between fiscal thrust and equity returns. This is true whether we consider the broad market, cyclicals/defensives, value/growth stocks, or small/large caps (Chart 12). Normally, fiscal thrust surges when recessions and bear markets occur, leading to volatility in asset prices. However, in the new monetary policy context, the risk is to the upside for the above-mentioned sectors, styles, and segments. Looking at sector performance before and after the November 3 election and November 9 vaccine announcement, there has been a clear shift from pandemic losers to pandemic winners. Big Tech and Consumer Discretionary (Amazon) thrived during the period before the vaccine, while value stocks (industrials, energy, financials) suffered the most from the lockdowns. These trends have reversed, with energy and financials outperforming the market since November (Chart 13). The Biden administration poses regulatory risks for Big Oil and arguably Big Banks, but these will come into play after the market has priced in economic normalization and the emerging consensus in favor of monetary-fiscal policy coordination, which is very positive for these sectors. Chart 12Fiscal Thrust Not Correlated With Stocks Chart 13Energy And Financials Turned Around With Vaccine In the case of energy, as stated above, the Biden administration will still struggle to get anything resembling the Green New Deal approved in Congress. Nevertheless, environmental regulation will expand and piecemeal measures to promote research and development, renewables, electric vehicles, and other green initiatives may pass. Large cap energy firms are capable of adjusting to this kind of transition. Coal companies are obviously losers. In the case of financials, Biden’s record is not unfriendly to the financial industry. His nominee for Treasury Secretary, former Fed Chair Janet Yellen, approved of the relaxation of some of its more stringent financial regulations under the Trump administration. Big Banks are no longer the target of popular animus like they were after the 2008 financial crisis – in that regard they have given way to Big Tech. Our US Investment Strategist Doug Peta argues that the Democratic sweep will smother any gathering momentum in personal loan defaults, which would help banks outperform the broad market. Biden’s regulatory approach to Big Tech will be measured, as the Obama administration’s alliance with Silicon Valley persists, but tech stands to suffer the most from higher taxes, especially a minimum corporate tax rate. With a unified Congress, it is also now possible that new legislation could expand tech regulation. There is a bipartisan consensus emerging on tech regulation so Republican votes can be garnered. Tech thrives on growth-scarce, disinflationary environments whereas the latest developments are positive for inflation expectations. In the recent lead-up to the Georgia vote, industrials, financials, and consumer discretionary stocks have not benefited much, even though they should (Chart 14). These are investment opportunities. Chart 14Upside For Energy And Financials Despite Regulatory Risk In our Political Risk Matrix, we establish these views as our baseline political tilts, to be applied to the BCA Research House View of our US Equity Strategy. The results are shown in Table 3. When equity sectors become technically stretched, the political impacts will become more salient. Table 3US Political Risk Matrix Investment Takeaways Over the past few years our sister Geopolitical Strategy has written extensively about “Civil War Lite,” “Peak Polarization,” and contested elections in the United States. We will dive deeper into these themes and issues in forthcoming reports, but for now suffice it to say that extremist events will galvanize the majority of the nation behind the new administration while also driving politicians of both stripes to use pork-barrel spending to try to stabilize the country. Congress will err on the side of providing too much fiscal stimulus just as surely as the Fed is bent on erring on the side of providing too much monetary stimulus. That means reflation, which will ultimately boost stocks in 2021. We also expect stocks to outperform government bonds, at least on a tactical 3-6 month timeframe. As the above makes clear, we prefer value stocks over growth stocks. Specifically we favor cyclical plays like materials over the big five of Google, Apple, Amazon, Microsoft, and Facebook. An infrastructure bill was one of the few legislative options for the Biden administration under gridlock, now it is even more likely. Infrastructure is popular and both presidential candidates competed to see who could offer the bigger plan. Moreover, what Biden cannot achieve under the rubric of climate policy he can try to achieve under the rubric of infrastructure. The BCA US Infrastructure Basket correlates with the US budget deficit as well as growth in China/EM and we recommend investors pursue similar plays. In the fixed income space, Treasury inflation protected securities (TIPS) are likely to continue outperforming nominal, duration-matched government bonds. Our US Bond Strategist Ryan Swift is on alert to downgrade this recommendation, but the change in US government configuration at least motivates a tactical overweight in TIPS. The chances of US state and local governments receiving fiscal support – previously denied by the GOP Senate – has increased so we will also go long municipal bonds relative to treasuries.   Matt Gertken Vice President US Political Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Appendix Table A1Biden’s Cabinet Position Appointments   Footnotes 1     Perdue defeated Ossoff on November 3 but fell short of the 50% threshold to avoid a second round; meanwhile the cumulative Republican vote in the multi-candidate special election outnumbered the cumulative Democratic vote on November 3. 2     Ashton Carter, Dick Cheney, William Cohen, et al, “All 10 living former defense secretaries: Involving the military in election disputes would cross into dangerous territory,” Washington Post, January 3, 2021, washingtonpost.com. 3    Jordain Carney, “Filibuster fight looms if Democrats retake Senate,” The Hill, August 25, 2020, thehill.com.