Yemen

Oil prices will rise tactically due to supply risks. Recent developments indicate escalation of the conflict with Iran in the Middle East and confirm our expectation of energy supply disruptions and oil price spikes in the short run.

Highlights There is a tentative decline in geopolitical risk: An orderly Brexit or no Brexit is the likely final outcome and the U.S.-China talks are coming together. The outstanding geopolitical risks still warrant caution on global equities in the near term. Internal and external instability in Saudi Arabia, any American persistence with maximum pressure sanctions on Iran, and domestic instability in Iraq pose a risk to global oil supply. Go long spot crude oil and GBP/JPY. Feature Chart 1A Tentative Decline In Geopolitical Risk Our views on Brexit and the U.S.-China trade talks are coming together, resulting in a tentative decline in geopolitical risk (Chart 1). The British parliament still needs to ratify Boris Johnson’s exit agreement, painstakingly negotiated with the EU in a surprise summit this week. He may not have the votes. If he fails then he will have a basis to seek an extension to the Brexit deadline on October 31. But it is clear that the EU is willing to allow compromises to prevent a no-deal exit shock from exacerbating the slowdown in the European economy. An orderly Brexit is the final outcome (or no Brexit at all if an election and new referendum should say so). We are removing the $1.30 target on our long GBP/USD call in light of these developments and going long GBP/JPY. Similarly, while uncertainty lingers over U.S.-China relations, it is clear that President Trump is sensitive to the impact of the manufacturing recession and the risk of an overall recession on his reelection prospects. He is therefore pursuing a ceasefire and delaying tariffs. China is minimally reciprocating to forestall a collapse in relations. The December 15 tariff hike will be delayed and, if a ceasefire fails to improve the economic outlook, we expect Trump to engage in some tariff rollback on the pretext that talks are “making progress.” However, we do not expect a bilateral trade agreement or total tariff rollback. And other factors (like political risks in Greater China) could still derail the process. The outstanding geopolitical risks still warrant caution on global equities in the near term. These risks include a collapse in the U.S.-China talks (e.g. due to Hong Kong, Taiwan, or the tech race), and the ascent of Elizabeth Warren as the front runner in the Democratic Party’s early primary election. There is also the risk of another oil price shock emanating from the Middle East, which we discuss in this report. The Aftermath Of Abqaiq It has been a geopolitically eventful summer in the Middle East (Diagram 1). While there were plenty of warning shots, the September 14 drone and missile strikes on Saudi Aramco infrastructure was the big bang – wiping out 5.7 mm b/d of crude oil supplies overnight (Chart 2). The attacks were significant not only in terms of their impact on global oil markets, but also because they exposed the U.S.’s and Saudi Arabia’s reluctance to engage in a full-scale military confrontation with Iran. It is too early to call peak tensions in the Persian Gulf. Diagram 1Timeline: Summer Fireworks In The Persian Gulf Chart 2Closing Hormuz Would Be The Biggest Oil Shock Ever It is too early to call peak tensions in the Persian Gulf. The October 11 strike on an Iranian-owned oil tanker in the Red Sea and the reported U.S. cyber-attacks against Iranian news outlets may well mark the “limited retaliation” that we expected. Nevertheless, last month’s events uncovered vulnerabilities that suggest that even if the U.S. and its Gulf allies back off, geopolitical risk will remain elevated. Chart 3Saudis Are Profligate Defense Spenders The most obvious outcome of the September 14 attack is the realization of just how vulnerable Saudi Arabia is to attacks by its regional enemies. Despite being the third most profligate defense spender in the world – and the first relative to GDP (Chart 3) – Saudi Arabia was unable to protect its critical infrastructure. For that, Crown Prince Mohamed bin Salman (MBS) will surely face domestic pressure. After five years, Saudi Arabia has little to show from its war in Yemen, other than a humanitarian crisis that has hurt its international standing. Instead, the operation has been a burden on the kingdom’s finances and a nuisance to security in the southwestern provinces of Najran, Jizan and Asir, where the Iran-allied Houthis have conducted regular attacks on oil infrastructure and airports. Some domestic disquiet will be defused if the Yemen war is downgraded or resolved. Saudi Arabia recently accepted the olive branch extended by the Houthis and is reportedly in talks to deescalate. But this will not fully eliminate domestic uncertainty. After all, MBS’s other initiatives – in Syria, in Iraq, in lobbying the U.S. – are also in jeopardy. The conspiracy theory surrounding the September 29 murder of General Abdulaziz al-Faghem, King Salman’s longstanding personal bodyguard, is case in point. Rumor has it that the king was enraged upon hearing of the Houthi movement’s September 28 capture of three Saudi military brigades, and decided to revoke the Crown Prince’s title, instead appointing the youngest Sudairi brother, Prince Ahmed bin Abdulaziz, in his place.1 The ploy was allegedly uncovered, resulting in General al-Faghem’s murder.2 This is entirely speculation and we find the idea of MBS’s removal to be highly doubtful. The King’s and Crown Prince’s joint appearance during President Vladimir Putin’s visit to the kingdom earlier this week should dispel speculation about a brewing palace coup. Nevertheless, the murder itself is extremely concerning and reinforces independent reasons for concerns about internal stability. Chart 4Impatient Diversification Threatens Domestic Stability The pursuit of the Saudi reform agenda, “Vision 2030,” is premised first and foremost on the consolidation of power in the hands of MBS and his faction. The appointment of King Salman’s son, Prince Abdulaziz, as energy minister was motivated by a desire to expedite the initial public offering of state oil giant Saudi Aramco, which could begin as early as November. This was preceded by the appointment of Yasir Al-Rumayyan, head of the sovereign wealth fund and a close ally of MBS, as chairman of Aramco. Moreover, wealthy Saudis – some of whom were detained at the Ritz Carlton in November 2017 – are reportedly being strong-armed into buying stakes in the pending IPO. While weaning Saudi Arabia’s economy off of crude oil is the best course of action for long-term stability (Chart 4), the transition will threaten domestic stability. Meanwhile the conflict with Iran is far from settled. Bottom Line: The September 14 drone strikes on key Saudi oil infrastructure revealed both Saudi Arabia’s and the U.S.’s unwillingness to engage in military action against and a full confrontation with Iran. This will raise concerns regarding the kingdom’s ability to defend itself. Moreover, Saudi Arabia remains vulnerable to domestic pressure as MBS strives to maintain his consolidation of power in recent years and pursues Vision 2030. Internal or external instability in Saudi Arabia poses a risk to global oil supply. Iran’s Resistance Economy Can Handle Trump’s Maximum Pressure Chart 5Iran's Economy Is Feeling The Bite On the other side of the Persian Gulf, the Iranians are displaying a higher pain threshold than their enemies. The economy is suffering under the U.S.’s crippling sanctions, with exports at the lowest level since 2003 (Chart 5). The IMF expects Iran’s economy to contract by 9.5% this year, with annual inflation forecast at 35.7%. Oil exports, the lifeblood of its economy, are down 89% YoY. Nevertheless, Iran is well-versed in the game of chicken, it is methodically displaying its ability to create havoc across the region, and it has not waivered in its stance that President Trump must ease sanctions and rejoin the 2015 nuclear deal if it is to engage in bilateral talks. All the while, Iran continues to reduce its nuclear commitments. On September 5, Rouhani indicated plans to completely abandon research and development commitments under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) and to begin working on more advanced uranium enrichment centrifuges which was capped at 3.7% under the JCPOA (Table 1). We also expect Iran to follow-through on its threat of withdrawing from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) if Trump maintains sanctions. Table 1Iran Is Walking Away From 2015 Nuclear Deal The same resolve cannot be shown on the part of the United States or Saudi Arabia. Chart 6Americans Do Not Support War With Iran President Trump is constrained by the risk of an Iran-induced oil price shock ahead of the 2020 election. He is therefore eager to deescalate tensions with Iran. He is abandoning the field in Syria (on which more below), opting to add a symbolic 1,800 troops into Saudi Arabia for deterrent effect instead. This defensive posture is being undertaken within the context of American public opinion, which opposes war with Iran or additional military adventures in the Middle East (Chart 6). This signifies the U.S.’s strategic deleveraging from the Middle East in order to shift its focus to Asia Pacific, where America has a greater priority in managing the rise of China. At the same time, negotiations between the Saudis and Yemeni Houthis suggest a lack of Saudi appetite for all-out conflict with Iran, clearing the way for a diplomatic solution. As Rouhani stated “ending the war in Yemen will pave the ground for de-escalation in the region,” specifically between Saudi Arabia and Iran. The Saudis have amply signaled in the wake of the Abqaiq attack that they wish to avoid a direct confrontation, particularly given the Trump administration’s apparent unwillingness (under electoral constraint) to continue providing a “blank check” for MBS to conduct an aggressive foreign policy. Already the United Arab Emirates – a key player in the Saudi-led coalition against Yemen – has distanced itself from Riyadh and sought to ease tensions with Iran. It recently reduced its commitment to the Yemen war and engaged in high-level meetings with Iran. The UAE’s national security adviser, Tahnoun bin Zayed, visited Tehran on a secret mission, the latest in a series of backchannel efforts to mediate between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Other reported efforts at diplomacy include visits by Iraqi and Pakistani officials. The remaining uncertainty is whether Trump will quietly ease sanctions on Iran, and whether Iran will quit while it is ahead. If Trump maintains maximum pressure, Iran may need to stage further attacks and oil disruptions to threaten Trump’s economy and encourage sanction relief. Otherwise, Iran, smelling American and Saudi fear, could overstep its bounds and commit a provocation that requires a larger American response, thus re-escalating tensions. While Trump’s economic and electoral constraint suggests that he will ease sanctions underhandedly, Iran’s risk appetite is apparently very high: Abqaiq could have gone terribly wrong. It also has an opportunity to flex its muscles and demonstrate American inconstancy to the region. This could lead to miscalculation and a more significant oil price shock than already seen. Bottom Line: Iran has remained steadfast in its position while the United States, Saudi Arabia, and their allies appear to be capitulating. They have more to lose than gain from all-out conflict. But Iran’s decision-making is opaque and any American persistence with maximum pressure sanctions will motivate additional provocations, escalation, and oil supply disruption. Making Russia Great Again? Recent events in Turkey and Syria do not come as a surprise. We have long highlighted a deeper Turkish intervention into Syria as a regional “black swan” event. In August we warned clients that the Trump-Erdogan personal relationship would not save Turkey from impending U.S. sanctions. In September we warned that Turkish geopolitical risk premia had collapsed, as measured by our market-based GeoRisk indicator, and that this collapse was certain to reverse in a major way, sending the lira falling. As we go to press the Turks have declared a ceasefire to avoid sanctions but nothing is certain. Putin has pounced on the opportunity to capitalize on the U.S. retreat. If Turkey is the loser, who is the winner? First, Trump, who benefits from fulfilling a campaign pledge to reduce U.S. involvement in foreign wars – a stance that will ultimately be rewarded (or at least not punished) by a war-weary public. Second, Iran and Russia, Syria’s major allies, who have invested greatly in maintaining the regime of Bashar al-Assad throughout the civil war and now face American withdrawal and heightened U.S. tensions with its allies and partners in the region as a result. Iran benefits through the ability to increase its strategic arc, the so-called “Shia Crescent,” to the Mediterranean Sea. Russia benefits through solidifying its reclaimed status as a major player in the Middle East – an indication of global multipolarity. President Vladimir Putin has pounced on the opportunity to capitalize on the U.S. retreat with official visits to both Saudi Arabia and the UAE this week. He made promises of both stronger economic ties and the ability to broker regional power. On the economic front, the Russian Direct Investment Fund (RDIF) selected Saudi Arabia as the venue for its first foreign office, signaling its interest in the region. It has already approved 25 joint projects with investment valued at more than $2.5 billion. There are also talks of RDIF-Aramco projects in the oil services sector worth over $1 billion and oil and gas conversion projects worth more than $2 billion. Moreover, RDIF signed multiple deals worth $1.4 billion with UAE partners. Chart 7Russia Has Been Complying With OPEC 2.0 Cuts Most importantly, the Saudis and Russians share the same objective of supporting global oil prices and have been jointly managing OPEC 2.0 supply since 2017 (Chart 7). Russia’s approach to the region focuses on enhancing its all-around strategic influence. Chart 8Erdogan Is Playing Into Turkish Concerns About Syrian Refugees Although Russia’s allies include Iran and Syria – Saudi Arabia’s rivals – it has presented itself as a pragmatic partner to other powers, including Turkey and even the Saudis and Gulf states. As such, the Kremlin has leverage on both sides of the regional divide, giving it the potential to serve as a power broker. However, any Saudi purchase of the Russian S-400 defense system, long under negotiation, would unsettle the United States. Turkey is threatened with American sanctions for its purchase of the same system.3 The U.S. may be willing to tolerate some increased Russian influence in the Middle East, but a defense agreement may be its red line. The Trump administration still wields the stick of economic sanctions. Growing Russian influence extends beyond the Gulf states. The U.S.’s withdrawal from northeast Syria last week and the Turkish invasion is a gift to the Russians. They are now the only major power from outside the Middle East engaged in Syria. They have embraced this position, positioning themselves as peace brokers between the Syrian regime, with whom they are allied, and Turkey, as well as the Turkish arch-enemy, the Kurds, who now lack American support and must turn to Syria and Russia for some kind of arrangement to protect themselves. Russia has therefore cemented its return as a strategic player in the region, after its initial intervention in Syria in 2015. Turkey’s incursion into Syria is an attempt by President Erdogan to confront the battle-hardened Syrian Kurds and prevent a Kurdish-controlled continuous border with Syria, and to distract from his weakened domestic position. He is striving to garner support by playing to broad Turkish concerns about Syrian refugees in Turkey (Chart 8). The intervention will seek to create a space for refugees to be placed on the Syrian side of the border. However given that there is little domestic popular support for a military intervention, he runs the risk of further alienating voters, who are already losing patience with his ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). So far, the incursion has the official support of all Turkey’s political parties except the Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP). However this will change as the intervention entails western economic sanctions, a drawn-out military conflict, and limited concrete benefits other than the removal of refugees. Chart 9Turkey's Already Vulnerable Economy Will Take A Hit The already vulnerable economy is likely to take a hit (Chart 9). Markets have reacted to the penalties imposed by the U.S. so far with a sigh of relief as they are not as damaging as they could have been – i.e. Turkish banks were spared.4 However, this is just the opening salvo and more sanctions are on the way – Congress is moving to impose sanctions of its own, which Trump is unlikely to veto. Moreover, the European Union is following suit and imposing sanctions of its own, including on military equipment. Volkswagen already announced it is postponing a final decision on whether to build a $1.1 billion plant in Turkey. This comes at a time of already existing sensitivities with the EU over Turkish oil and gas drilling activities in waters off Cyprus. EU foreign ministers are responding by drawing up a list of economic sanctions. These economic risks will likely hold back the central bank’s rate cutting cycle as the lira and financial assets will take a hit. Bottom Line: The U.S. pivot away from the Middle East is a boon for Moscow, which is pursuing increased cooperation in the Gulf and gaining influence in Syria. Russia is marketing itself as a strategic player and effective power broker. Erdogan’s incursion in Syria, while motivated by domestic weakness, will backfire on the Turkish economy. Maintain a cautious stance on Turkish currency and risk assets. Iraq Is The Fulcrum Iraq’s geographic position, wedged between Saudi Arabia and Iran, renders it the epicenter of the regional power struggle. In the wake of the Trump administration’s maximum pressure campaign on Iran we have frequently highlighted that a dramatic means of Iranian pushback, short of closing shipping in the Strait of Hormuz, is fomenting unrest in an already unstable Iraq. This would be a threat to U.S. strategy as well as to global oil supplies. Iraq is the epicenter of the regional power struggle. In this context, Iraq’s revered Shia cleric Muqtada al-Sadr’s visit to Iran on September 10, just four days ahead of the September Saudi Aramco attack, raises eyebrows. Sadr is the key player in Iraq today and over the past two years he had staked out a position of national independence for Iraq, eschewing overreliance on Iran. A rapprochement between Sadr and Iran is a negative domestic development for Iraq, which has recently been making strides to reduce Iran’s political and military grip. It would undermine Iraqi stability by increasing divisions over ideology, sect, economic patronage, and national security. There is speculation that Sadr’s trip was intended to discuss Prime Minister Adel Abdul Mahdi, who is perceived as weak and incapable of managing the various powers on Iraq’s political scene. The violent protests rocking Iraq since early September support this assessment. Protestors are motivated by discontent over unemployment, poor services, and government corruption, which are perceived to have mostly deteriorated since the start of Abdul Mahdi’s term (Chart 10). While Abdul Mahdi has announced some reforms in response to the popular discontent, including a cabinet reshuffle and promises of handouts for the poor, they have done little to quell the protests. The popular demands are only one of the existential threats facing the government. The second and potentially more serious risk is the security threat. Iraq has been failing at its attempts to formally integrate the Popular Mobilization Units (PMU) – Iran-backed paramilitary groups that were instrumental in ISIS’s defeat – into the national security forces. This is essential in order to prevent Iran from maintaining direct control of security forces within Iraq. A majority of the public agrees that the PMU should not play a role in politics (Chart 11), reflecting the underlying trend demanding Iraqi autonomy from Iran. Chart 10Rising Discontent In Iraq Chart 11Little Support For A Political Role For The PMU Given that the PMU is in effect an umbrella term for ~50 predominantly Shia paramilitary groups, internal divisions exist within the forces which compete for power, legitimacy, and resources. Recently, it has been purging group leaders perceived as a threat to the overall forces and the senior leadership which maintain strong links to Iran. Chart 12Iraq Is Divided Across Political Affiliation This internal struggle also reflects the intra-Shia struggle for power among Iraq’s main political parties. On the one side there is the conservative, pro-Khamenei bloc led by former Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki and PMU commander Hadi al-Ameri, and on the other is the reformist, nationalist leader Muqtada al-Sadr’s joined by Ammar al-Hakim. Given that most Iraqis view their country as a divided nation across political affiliation, this is a risk to domestic stability (Chart 12). Thus even if the wider risk of regional tensions abates and reduces the threat of sabotage to oil infrastructure and transportation, the current domestic situation in Iraq remains uneasy. But given that we do not see the regional tensions abating yet – due to either American maximum pressure or Iranian hubris – this dynamic translates into an active threat to oil supplies, with 3.4 mm b/d of exports concentrated in the southern city of Basra. Bottom Line: Heightened domestic instability in Iraq poses a non-negligible threat to oil supplies. This risk is compounded by Iraq’s location as a geographic buffer between regional rivals Iran and Saudi Arabia, and Iran’s interest in fomenting unrest to pressure the U.S. into relaxing sanctions. Investment Conclusions The common thread across the Middle East is a persistent threat to global oil supply in the wake of the extraordinary Abqaiq attack. First, it cannot be stated with confidence that Iran will refrain from causing additional oil disruptions, as it is convinced that President Trump’s appetite for conflict is small (and Trump is indeed constrained by fear of an oil shock). President Rouhani has an interest in removing Trump from power, which an oil shock might achieve, and the Supreme Leader may even be willing to risk a conflict with the United States as a means of increasing support for the regime and infusing a new generation with revolutionary spirit. Iran loses in a total war, but Tehran is convinced that the U.S. does not have the will to engage in total war. Second, Russia’s interest in the region is not in generating a durable peace but in filling the vacuum left by the United States and making itself a power broker. Any instability simply increases oil prices which is positive for Russia. Third, Iraq’s instability is both domestically and internationally driven. It is nearly impossible to differentiate between the two. Iranian hubris could manifest in sabotage in Iraq. Or Iraq could destabilize under the regional pressures with minimal Iranian encouragement. Either way the world’s current below-average spare oil production capacity could be hit sooner than expected if shortages result. Go long spot crude oil. On equities, with a U.S.-China ceasefire in the works, and little chance of a no-deal Brexit, we see our cyclically positive outlook reinforced, though we maintain near-term caution due to U.S. domestic politics. In terms of equity focus, we are overweight European equities in developed markets and Southeast Asian equities in emerging markets.   Roukaya Ibrahim, Editor/Strategist Geopolitical Strategy RoukayaI@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 The Sudairi branch of the al-Saud family is made up of the seven sons of the late King Abdulaziz and Hussa al-Sudairi of the powerful Najd tribe. 2 Please see TRT World “Killing of Saudi King’s Personal Bodyguard Triggers Speculation,” October 2, 2019, available at https://www.trtworld.com. 3 In the wake of the attack on Saudi Aramco oil facilities, President Putin trolled the U.S. by recommending that Saudi Arabia follow the footsteps of Iran and Turkey in purchasing Russia’s S-300 or S-400 air defense systems. 4 The U.S. penalties include sanctions against current and former officials of the Turkish government, a hike in tariffs on imports of Turkish steel back up to 50 percent, and the halt in negotiations on a $100 billion trade deal.

Special Report

Dear Client, I am visiting clients in Saudi Arabia, Abu Dhabi, and India this week, and as such there will be no regular Weekly Report. Instead, we are sending you a Special Report written by my colleague Marko Papic, Senior Vice President, BCA's Geopolitical Strategy service. Marko argues that the Middle East has reached a stable equilibrium, as much as is possible, and will not drive the news or markets in 2017. I hope you will find this report both interesting and informative. Best regards, Peter Berezin, Senior Vice President Global Investment Strategy Highlights The Middle East is not a major geopolitical risk in 2017. Saudi-Iranian and Russo-Turkish tensions will de-escalate, for now. The OPEC production cut will go through; oil prices will average $55/bbl in 2017. Geopolitical risk continues to rotate to the Asia Pacific region. Trump, Iranian elections, and Iraqi instability pose risks to the view. Feature The Middle East has dominated the news flow for the past five years, for good reason. The carnage in Syria and Iraq is tragic and reprehensible. However, the investment relevance of the various regional conflicts is dubious. For all the attention paid to the rise of the Islamic State, we would remind clients that the group's conquest of Iraq's second-largest city Mosul in June 2014 did not cause a spike in oil prices but rather marked the end of the bull market (Chart 1)! From an investment perspective, the only dynamic worth watching in the Middle East is the "Great Game" between regional actors, which have been looking to fill the vacuum left by America's dramatic geopolitical deleveraging (Chart 2). The U.S. strategy is permanent and driven by global interests, namely the rise of China and the need to shift resources towards East Asia. Given the incoming Trump administration's laser focus on China, we expect that the U.S. will remain aloof from the Middle East. Chart 1Ironically, Worry About The Fall Of ISIS Chart 2While The U.S. Military Deleverages... Does the recent détente between Russia and Turkey in Syria, and between Iran and Saudi Arabia over OPEC production cuts, signal that the Middle East has finally found geopolitical equilibrium? We tentatively think the answer is yes. This will reduce the importance of the region as the primary source of geopolitical risk premia, which BCA's geopolitical strategists have expected to shift to Asia for some time.1 Saudi-Iranian Tensions Are On Ice Chart 3...The Saudi Arabian Military Leverages Up Since the U.S. decision to deleverage from the region in 2011, Saudi Arabia has leveraged up, becoming one of the world's largest arms purchasers and involving itself overtly and covertly in several regional conflicts in the process (Chart 3). Saudi insecurity deepened following President Barack Obama's decision to leave no troops in Iraq. The last U.S. soldier of the main occupation force left Iraq on December 18, 2011. The very next day, on December 19, Iraq's Shia Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, a close ally of Iran, issued an order for the arrest of the Sunni Vice-President Tariq al-Hashimi. The move by al-Maliki set off what essentially became a civil war in the country, with the Sunni minority eventually turning to ever-more radicalized militant groups for protection. From the Saudi perspective, Iraq is a vital piece of real estate as it is a natural buffer between itself and its Shia rival Iran. While the Fifth Fleet of the U.S. Navy, based in Bahrain, continues to guard against any Iranian incursion via the Persian Gulf, there is very little space between the Saudi oil fields and Iran if Iraq falls into Iran's orbit. The subsequent five years saw Iran and Saudi Arabia fight several proxy wars in Iraq, Syria, and Yemen. These included direct military action by Iran in Iraq and Syria against Saudi-backed militants and by Saudi Arabia in Yemen against Iranian-backed militants. It also included oil politics, with Saudi Arabia announcing in November 2014 that it was ending years of its price-setting strategy. These strategies ultimately proved to be unsustainable and BCA's Geopolitical Strategy called the peak in Saudi-Iranian tensions in February 2016.2 Why? First, because oil prices collapsed! Geopolitical adventurism is a luxury afforded to those with the means to pursue adventures. The combination of low oil prices, domestic social outlays, and an expensive war in Yemen forced Saudi Arabia to burn through $220 billion of its foreign reserves between July 2014 and December 2016, equivalent to 30% of its central-bank holdings!3 There is a relationship between high oil prices and aggressive foreign policy in oil-producing states (Chart 4). Political science research shows that the relationship is not spurious. As Chart 5 illustrates, petrol states led by revolutionary leaders are much more likely to engage in militarized international disputes.4 This relationship is particularly pronounced when oil sells at above $70 per barrel. At that price, oil producing states become more prone to disputes than non-oil states, regardless of leadership qualities. Second, Saudi Arabia's military campaign in Yemen proved to be a disaster. The kingdom intervened in March 2015 to reinstate the democratically elected President Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi, who had been removed from power by Iranian-linked Houthi rebels. The real reason for the intervention was for the Saudis to gauge their war-making capabilities, test their recently purchased military equipment, and put a check on Iranian influence in the region. A quick, successful war in Yemen would have been a template for future interventions in Iraq and Syria on behalf of Sunni allies, and would have cemented Saudi Arabia's position as a regional power in the wake of the U.S. withdrawal. As BCA's Geopolitical Strategy warned, however, defeating the experienced Houthis would not be easy and Saudi Arabia would ultimately hesitate to commit to a land war.5 The intervention has resulted in disaster for Saudi Arabia on several levels: Houthis remain in control of the capital Sana'a and largely the same territory that encompassed the former Yemen Arab Republic (North Yemen); The Saudis, desperate for a ground-force presence, have turned a blind eye to Al Qaeda's and ISIS's control of almost a third of the country in the south and coastal regions; Saudi forces have taken considerable losses, including some high-tech and high-priced items; The conflict has exposed severe military deficiencies, from the low level of strategic and tactical planning of senior staff, to the poor communication of units at the middle level, to the pervasive low morale and training of the rank-and-file. The biggest loss for Saudi Arabia has been that of leadership. What began as a pan-Sunni intervention led by Riyadh, with considerable involvement by the UAE and Egypt, has seen the Saudis lose almost all their allies. The UAE removed its troops in mid-2016 (in somewhat of a diplomatic spat with Riyadh) and Egypt has subsequently held military exercises with Russia, a Saudi rival in the region, and decided in December to provide military advisors to the Syrian Arab Army. All the talk about a "Sunni NATO" is over. Saudi Arabia's experience in Yemen, combined with the decline in its currency reserves, forced it to come to terms with reality, and eventually agree to an oil production cut with Russia and Iran. Thus it took Saudi Arabia exactly five years, from the U.S. withdrawal in Iraq in 2011, to realize the limits of its regional power. Bob Ryan, Senior Vice President of BCA's Commodity & Energy Strategy, correctly forecast the OPEC cut and expects the deal to be successfully implemented in 2017.6 One reason Bob is confident is that both Saudi Arabia and Russia are looking to privatize their energy sector significantly by 2018. Russia has sold 19.5% of Rosneft and the Saudis want to conduct an IPO of 5% of their state-owned oil company Aramco. It makes no sense to do this IPO in an environment of low oil prices. Furthermore, sovereign debt issuance to cover budget deficits will become cheaper when oil prices are higher. Geopolitics are aligning with Bob's view as well. Saudi Arabia's attempt to counter Iranian influence in the region has failed both militarily and via oil politics. Riyadh is focusing inwards, on its "Vision 2030" reforms, which will entail considerable domestic upheaval as a result of its comprehensive effort to remove the ultra-conservative religious establishment from power.7 This is now coming to light, with Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman recently announcing harsh punitive measures for any cleric who incites or resorts to violence against the reform agenda. Bottom Line: Saudi Arabia's bid for regional hegemony is over, at least for now. The country is focusing inwards, on long-term political and social reforms and economic diversification. Its efforts to bring Iran to heel with low oil prices and with direct military confrontation in Yemen have failed. The oil production-cut deal between Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Russia should hold as a result of the de-escalation of Saudi-Iranian tensions and the socio-economic priorities of all three states. BCA's Commodity & Energy Strategy service is overweight energy relative to other commodities as a result.8 Is The Russia-Turkey Détente Sustainable? Turkey and Russia have concluded a political and military détente in Syria with surprising speed. This has made one of our major geopolitical risks for 2017 - a Turkish-Russian confrontation over Syria - already obsolete. Much as with Saudi Arabia, Turkey has had a bite of regional hegemony, did not like the bitter taste, and has decided to make a deal with its rivals instead. For Turkey, the real concern over the past five years has been American inaction in Syria. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has spent a lot of political capital opposing Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. He had hoped that a successful revolution would create a new client state for Turkey, yielding Turkey overland access to Persian Gulf energy sources. Erdogan was therefore beyond dismayed when President Barack Obama failed to intervene in Syria in 2013 following Assad's use of chemical weapons. The chronology of what happened next is important: Russia intervened two years later, in September 2015, to stem the progress of anti-Assad rebels and save the regime from collapse. Two months later, a Russian Sukhoi Su-24 was shot down by Turkish F-16s in the Turkey-Syria border area. Turkey and Russia broke relations for a while, but tensions did not escalate. Ankara faced a coup attempt in mid-July 2016, which the ruling party linked to the U.S.-based Islamist preacher Fethullah Gülen. The Obama administration refused to extradite Gülen without concrete evidence of his involvement. By late July, Turkish officials were calling Russia a "friendly neighbor" and a "strategic partner." In early August, Erdogan met Russian President Vladimir Putin in St. Petersburg, after issuing a letter with an apology to the family of the shot-down pilot. Then, on August 24, Turkey invaded Syria. The military intervention, dubbed "Operation Euphrates Shield," was officially launched to fight the Islamic State, a common pretext these past three years. Erdogan officially stated that he also aimed to fight Assad's regime, but this appeared to put Ankara and Moscow back on collision course, and statements from the Turkish side have since been "corrected." The real reason for the intervention was not to fight ISIS or Assad, but rather to curb the gains made by the various Kurdish militias on the ground in Iraq and Syria. In particular, Ankara intervened to prevent the Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG) - the armed wing of the Syrian Democratic Union Party, which is affiliated with the Turkey-based Kurdistan Workers' Party - from linking up with its now vast territory held in the north of Syria (Map 1). The territory, which our map shows has expanded considerably as the YPG has claimed mostly Islamic State-held areas, is split between Rojava, the main territory east of the Euphrates river, and the Afrin enclave near the Mediterranean Sea. For Turkey, the proximity of such a vast Kurdish-held territory so close to its own Kurdish southeastern region presents a national-security nightmare. The operation's strategic goal was to capture Al-Bab, the stronghold of the Islamic State in northern Syria and a strategic point between the two YPG-held swaths of territory. However, it has taught the Turks that they have no experience fighting a prolonged battle, especially against local insurgents and militants who know the region. Since the first attack on Al-Bab's western part, the Turkish army has suffered three defeats and retreated to initial positions. With Turkey stuck in Al-Bab, the Russian air force has now begun to bomb Islamic State positions to help their tentative new ally. This level of operational coordination is notable and important. It suggests that Turkey, a NATO member state, is now reliant on Russian air strikes for ground support rather than on American sorties flying out of NATO's air base in Incirlik, Turkey. Turkey even claims that U.S. presence in Incirlik is obsolete if it receives no help from the U.S. Air Force around Al-Bab. How sustainable is the Turkey-Russia détente? We suspect it will be quite sustainable, at least in the short term. Ankara has moved away from demands for Assad to step down, with the Deputy Prime Minister, Numan Kurtulmus, recently stating that Turkey would not "impose any decision" on the Syrian people regarding future leadership. The assassination of the Russian ambassador in Turkey also failed to derail Russo-Turkish cooperation. Beyond the short term, however, the question remains what Turkey intends to do about Kurdish gains, which are considerable in both Syria and Iraq. The town of Manbij, for instance, is strategically located west of the Euphrates and was supposed to be ceded to Turkey by the Kurds. The situation could grow even more complicated for Turkey as the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Iraq may proclaim independence after the Islamic State stronghold of Mosul is liberated in early 2017.9 The YPG in Syria could then ask to join their fellow Kurds in Iraq in forming a unitary state. Although unlikely, this scenario is probably on Turkey's mind, as it would mean that the Kurds inside Turkey may intensify their anti-government insurgency. Note, however, that this scenario does not bother Russia. As far as Moscow is concerned, it has succeeded in keeping Assad in power, its Syrian naval base in Tartus is secure, and it has proven its ability to project power outside of its immediate sphere of influence (Ukraine, Crimea, Georgia, and the Caucasus), thus advertising its "Great Power" status. Bottom Line: For the time being, the Russian-Turkish détente will hold. The real risk is not a Turkish-Russian confrontation, but rather a wider Turkish engagement in both Syria and Iraq against the Kurds sometime in the future. We suspect that the Turkish military experience in Syria may make the Turks think twice about engaging in a large-scale war against the Kurds across three states. But given the erratic policymaking out of Ankara in recent years, it is difficult to say this with any confidence. The geopolitical risk of Turkish imperial overreach will continue to weigh on Turkish assets in 2017. Risks To The Sanguine View There are many reasons why investors should stay up at night in 2017, but the Middle East is not one of them. The process of U.S. deleveraging from the region has been painful and costly (from a human perspective especially), but it has ultimately forced regional powers to figure out how to carve out the leftover space between them. There are a few questions left to answer, starting with the Kurdish question. But, for the most part, we do not expect to see the major players - Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Russia, Egypt, or Israel - come to blows with each other. There are three major risks to this sanguine view. The U.S. Is Back! The current semi-stable equilibrium will definitely be thrown off track if the Trump administration decides to sink its teeth fully into the Middle East. We expect President-elect Donald Trump to authorize greater military action against the Islamic State, including more intense air strikes. However, this is not a qualitative reversal of Obama's deleveraging policy. A real reversal would be if Trump decided to follow the advice of Iran hawks in his government - of whom there are several - and increase tensions with Tehran. This is unlikely, given Trump's focus on China and his willingness to improve ties with Russia, a nominal ally of Iran. In fact, there has been almost no talk of Iran from either President-elect Trump or any of his advisors since the election. Furthermore, while U.S. oil imports from OPEC are no longer declining, they are still massively down since their peak in the mid-2000s (Chart 6). It is unlikely that Trump will commit resources to a region of diminishing importance to U.S. interests. Change Of Guard In Tehran. While the risk of Washington saber-rattling with Iran is overstated, what happens if the moderate President Hassan Rouhani is defeated in the upcoming May election? Hardliners are arguing that the nuclear deal with the West has done nothing for the economy, the main pillar of Rouhani's 2013 platform. This is not true. Headline inflation ticked up in late 2016, but remains well off the 40% levels in 2013, while GDP growth has been in the black throughout Rouhani's term, and net exports have bottomed (Chart 7). However, the flow of FDI into the country has been tepid, probably due to ongoing uncertainty with the government transition in the U.S. Both European and Asian businesses are waiting to see if the incoming Trump administration wants to revive sanctions. Meanwhile, skirmishes between U.S. and Iranian vessels - purportedly controlled by the hardline Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps - have increased in the Persian Gulf. Perhaps the hardliners in Tehran are hoping that they can bait the hardliners in D.C. into a pre-election confrontation that sinks Rouhani. Iraqi Instability. Although the Iraqi government is set to take over Mosul from the Islamic State some time in Q1 2017, the fact remains that the country is bitterly divided between Sunnis and Shia amidst sluggish oil revenues. While the production cut deal will raise revenues marginally, revenues will still be well below their highs (Chart 8). Defeating the Islamic State militarily is one thing, but the real challenge is for Baghdad to reintegrate the Sunni population, which largely lives in territory devoid of oil production. A renewal of civil strife and terrorism targeting Iraqi civilians, which could happen as the Islamic State militants blend back into the wider population, may be a risk in 2017. Chart 6U.S. Imports From OPEC Remain Low Chart 7Iranian Economy Improves Under Reformist Rule Chart 8Iraqi Oil Revenues Still Down From Highs A word on Israel may also be in order. Israel has not played a major geopolitical role in the region for the past five years and we suspect it will not in the next five. It is secure from its neighbours, who cannot match it in terms of military capability, and remains preoccupied with domestic politics and internal security. Meanwhile, the days when the region unified against Israel are over. Sectarian and ethnic conflicts have gutted Israel's traditional enemies. And former foes, particularly Egypt and Saudi Arabia, are now close allies. The one geopolitical threat that remains is Iran. However, that threat remains dormant as long as Israel maintains nuclear supremacy over Iran and as long as the U.S. remains a security guarantor for Israel. We do not see either changing any time soon. Investment Implications The main investment implication of our thesis that the Middle East has found a new equilibrium is that the region will not dominate the news flow in 2017. Short of a major Turkish blunder in Syria and Iraq, we see the current status quo largely frozen in place. Saudi Arabia appears to have conceded, for now at least, its inferior place in the geopolitical pecking order. Investors have plenty of things to worry about in 2017, such as general de-globalization, a potential Sino-American trade war, geopolitical tensions in East Asia, and elections in four of the five largest euro-area economies. Our geopolitical team's long-standing thesis that geopolitical risk is rotating out of the Middle East and into East Asia is therefore fully playing out.10 Chart 9KSA-Russia Production ##br##Pact Aims at Lowering Inventories In the near term, the geopolitical equilibrium should allow Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Russia to maintain their six-month agreement to cut production by up to 1.8 million b/d. The stated volumes to be cut are comprised of 1.2 million b/d from OPEC, 300,000 b/d from Russia, and another 300,000 b/d from other non-OPEC producers. The goal of this agreement is to reduce global oil inventories to more normal levels, which our commodity strategists believe will happen by the end of 2017 (Chart 9). Bob Ryan, of the Commodity & Energy Strategy, forecasts U.S. benchmark WTI crude prices to average $55/bbl in 2017. The incoming Trump administration will focus its Middle East policy on cooperating with regional actors against the Islamic State. Investors should expect to see more American "muscle" dedicated to the fight, perhaps at the risk of causing civilian casualties (which the Obama White House was careful to avoid). The downside of this strategy is that as the Islamic State loses its territory and ceases to be a caliphate, it will revert to being a more conventional terrorist organization. Its foreign fighters may return home to Europe, Russia, and elsewhere, while home-grown militants will seek to sow further Sunni-Shia discord, especially in Iraq. Unfortunately, this trend will keep our thesis of "A Bull Market For Terror" intact, which lends support to U.S. defense stocks.11 Marko Papic, Senior Vice President marko@bcaresearch.com Oleg Babanov, Editor/Strategist obabanov@bcaresearch.co.uk 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Strategic Outlook, "Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now," dated December 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see "Middle East: Saudi-Iran Tensions Have Peaked," in BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Mercantilism Is Back," dated February 10, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 According to the estimates of BCA's Commodity & Energy Strategy, "Tactical Focus Again Required In 2017," dated January 5, 2017, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see Cullen S. Hendrix, "Oil Prices and Interstate Conflict Behavior," Peterson Institute for International Economics, dated July 2014, available at iie.com. According to Hendrix, revolutionary leaders are "leaders who come to power by force and attempt to transform preexisting political and economic relationships, both domestically and abroad." The definition is broad and includes leaders who used force in order to gain prominence. 5 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Client Note, "Does Yemen Matter?" dated March 26, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see BCA Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report, "2017 Commodity Outlook: Energy," December 8, 2016, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 7 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Saudi Arabia's Choice: Modernity Or Bust," dated May 11, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. See also Emerging Market Equity Sector Strategy, "MENA: Rise Early, Work Hard, Strike Oil," dated October 4, 2016, available at emes.bcaresearch.com. 8 Please see BCA Commodity & Energy Strategy, "Tactical Focus Again Required In 2017," dated January 5, 2017, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 9 Please see P. Ronzheimer, C. Weinmann, and K. Mössbauer, "Kurden Brauchen Mehr Deutsche Abwehrraketen," Bild, dated October 28, 2016, available at http://www.bild.de/politik/ausland/mossul/kurden-brauchen-dringend-milan-systeme-48495330.bild.html. 10 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "The Great Risk Rotation," dated December 11, 2013, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 11 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy and Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "A Bull Market For Terror," dated August 5, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. Strategy & Market Trends Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades