China

Highlights Kim Jong Un’s sickness or death is a matter of speculation and it is best to remain skeptical for now. If Kim dies or is incapacitated, it is a serious concern for North Korean and hence regional stability – and not only in the medium and long term. A North Korean power vacuum could trigger a major relapse in US-China relations. Even if Kim is healthy, his negotiations with President Trump could affect US-China relations or Trump’s reelection chances this year. US-China tensions could also break down separately this year – watch for yuan depreciation or for Trump to lose public approval. The South China Sea and Taiwan Strait are also non-negligible risks that could derail US-China relations before the US election. Feature If North Korean leader Kim Jong Un dies, it is a risk to global stability. We have no insight on Kim’s health or whereabouts but we do know that North Korea is relevant to global investors – it is no longer a joke – because US-China relations are no longer stable. Korean political risk has been on an uptrend since the second summit between Kim and President Trump in Hanoi, Vietnam was cut short without any agreement (Chart 1). Chart 1Korean Political Risk Already On An Uptrend Due To Pandemic, Recession, US-China Tensions Korean Political Risk Already On An Uptrend Due To Pandemic, Recession, US-China Tensions Korean Political Risk Already On An Uptrend Due To Pandemic, Recession, US-China Tensions A dispute over North Korea could trigger a relapse in US-China relations that threatens the global equity rebound. Remain Skeptical As we go to press it is still unknown whether Kim is sick, well, living, or dying. What is known is that Kim failed to make a public appearance on Kim Il Sung Day, April 15, a noteworthy absence. China has sent a group of officials from the Communist Party’s Liaison Department, including medical doctors, according to Reuters – the most objective sign yet that something in North Korea has gone amiss. Japan’s Shukan Gendai on April 26 quoted an unnamed Chinese official saying that Kim was in a “vegetative state” after having stents put in his arteries after a heart attack. This corroborates (or repeats) the story that originally broke in South Korean newspaper Daily NK on April 21, saying that Kim was in grave condition after complications from heart surgery. Neither the Daily NK nor the Shukan Gendai are premium papers and the Daily NK also had to correct its original story which it attributed to “multiple” North Korean sources when in fact it only had one source. The US think tank 38 North on April 26 identified Kim’s elite passenger train at Wonsan but neither 38 North nor Reuters can confirm that Kim is actually in Wonsan. Kim was last seen in public on April 11 in Pyongyang, the day before Kim’s alleged surgery on April 12, but North Korean state press has reported on him conducting a range of activities since that date, albeit without video footage or anything that would disprove his incapacity. South Korean officials at the highest levels have repeatedly denied that they have intelligence of anything “special” happening in North Korea. South Korean assets are untroubled by the rumors (Chart 2). US President Donald Trump, and Pentagon officials, have also cast doubt on rumors that Kim is sick or dying – although various White House officials and Senator Lindsey Graham of South Carolina have implied something is wrong. Frequently it occurs that a temporary absence of autocratic leaders like Kim or Chinese President Xi Jinping causes the global media to speculate about illness, death, or intrigue. The lack of transparency of such regimes gives rise to a cottage industry of political watchers who interpret a leader’s every movement. Usually these rumor cycles amount to nothing. Absence of evidence (a leader’s failure to appear at an event) is not evidence of absence (the leader’s death). Still, the longer North Korea goes without offering definitive proof that Kim is alive, the greater the concerns will mount. One thing that we find unusual is the positioning of Kim’s sister, Kim Yo Jong. Kim Yo Jong was removed from the Politburo of the Korean Worker’s Party shortly after the failed Hanoi summit last year. She was reinstated as an alternate member on April 11 this year, in what was probably Kim Jong Un’s last credible public appearance. This gave rise to a surge of interest in her as a rising star, reflected in Google searches on April 12. These searches have spiked much more dramatically now that Kim Jong Un’s health is in question (Chart 3). Chart 2Korean Assets Not Responding Much To Kim Rumors Korean Assets Not Responding Much To Kim Rumors Korean Assets Not Responding Much To Kim Rumors Chart 3Why Was Kim Yo-Jong Rehabilitated Just Before Kim’s Alleged Surgery? North Korean Rumors: Significant ... If True North Korean Rumors: Significant ... If True The timing of her reinstatement, promptly followed by rumors about Kim’s health, is strange. North Korea’s political legitimacy is based on the Kim family dynasty. Her political recovery and promotion would be necessary to prepare her for any heightened role in the event of Kim’s incapacity or death. The purpose of the Politburo meeting was apparently to address the COVID-19 pandemic and delay a meeting of the legislature, the Supreme People’s Assembly. While rumors have focused on Kim’s cardiac event, we would not rule out the possibility that he has contracted COVID-19. Global leaders certainly are not immune to the disease, as evidenced by UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson. Reports also cite Kim's past periods of illness in 2012-14, although it is doubtful that his previous troubles with gout have any connection to a heart attack this month. What Is At Stake If Kim Exits The Scene For investors, the important thing to recognize is that North Korea is no longer irrelevant, no longer a geopolitical “red herring,” as we outlined in a series of reports in 2016 and 2017. Rather it is a critical moving part in a growing strategic conflict between the US and China. North Korea is a nuclear-armed state and a personalized autocracy with no clear succession plan, a stability risk on China’s border, and a national security risk to the United States and its allies Japan and South Korea. Pyongyang is in the midst of a multi-year, high-stakes diplomatic negotiation with its Northeast Asian neighbors and the United States. Diplomacy has not, thus far, gone off the rails. While Pyongyang has pushed the envelope with minor nuclear and missile activities, and by contesting Trump’s claims of exchanging letters, it has not abandoned negotiations with President Trump since 2017 by testing nuclear devices or intercontinental ballistic missiles, or by threatening to attack the US. South Korea’s legislative election on April 15 reinforced the leadership of President Moon Jae In and his left-leaning Democratic Party, marking a rebound for Moon due to his handling of the pandemic. This marks a boost to his “Moonshine” policy of diplomacy and economic integration with the North, another factor conducive to the continuation of diplomacy (Chart 4). However, any instability now would occur at a time of extreme vulnerability both within North Korea and abroad. North Korean growth is already facing a historic downturn unlike anything since the collapse of the Soviet Union (Chart 5). Chart 4Peaceniks Still Winning In South Korea North Korean Rumors: Significant ... If True North Korean Rumors: Significant ... If True Chart 5North Korean Instability Is Likely Regardless Of Kim's Health North Korean Instability Is Likely Regardless Of Kim's Health North Korean Instability Is Likely Regardless Of Kim's Health President Trump’s policy of “maximum pressure” sanctions has the North’s economy in a vise (Chart 6). For the past few years China has enforced sanctions on the North to cooperate with the United States. Beijing has reduced fuel exports and coal imports, according to official statistics (Chart 7). Chart 6Sanctions Have Damaged The Regime Sanctions Have Damaged The Regime Sanctions Have Damaged The Regime Chart 7China's Sanctions Enforcement Is Critical China's Sanctions Enforcement Is Critical China's Sanctions Enforcement Is Critical Even if China were not enforcing sanctions, North Korea’s economic conditions would be drastically deteriorating due to the COVID-19 pandemic, which has pushed China into what may well be the first recession since the 1970s (Chart 8). Thus if North Korea does end up having a leadership problem, investors should not assume that the regime will remain stable, in the near, medium, or long term. A power struggle broke out in China immediately upon Chairman Mao’s death in 1976. And when Kim Jong Un took power in December 2011, he struggled to consolidate power over the party, state, and military at first. He notoriously executed his uncle in December 2013 amid these internal struggles, which may have involved insubordinate military actions. His older brother Kim Jong Chol, or his sister Kim Yo Jong, would have more trouble consolidating power given that they were not Kim Jong Il’s choice for successor and would enter the supreme office in an extremely unstable time both at home and abroad. A succession process could also lead to external risks relatively quickly. North Korea’s historic surprise attack on the South Korean corvette, the Chonan, occurred in March 2010. Kim Jong Il was known to be preparing for his exit and for Kim Jong Un’s succession, so the regime sought to demonstrate strength while the world was distracted with a global financial crisis. If US-China relations were stable, there would be at least one substantial basis for believing that a North Korean crisis could be prevented from causing a crisis in other foreign relations. But US-China relations are not stable – they have deteriorated since the global financial crisis, as symbolized here by China’s diversifying away from US treasury holdings (Chart 9). The average US tariff rate on Chinese imports has risen from 5% to 15% under President Trump, who is threatening to impose additional punitive measures on China, such as export controls, as the two sides quarrel over the pandemic and recession. Chart 8Chinese Slowdown A Threat To Pyongyang Chinese Slowdown A Threat To Pyongyang Chinese Slowdown A Threat To Pyongyang President Trump’s signature foreign policy initiative – as opposed to trade initiative – has consisted of negotiations with North Korea over denuclearization and eventual peace. If these negotiations fall apart, President Trump will suffer in a substantial way that will at least marginally harm his reelection chances on November 3. Chart 9US-China Relations Fundamentally Unstable US-China Relations Fundamentally Unstable US-China Relations Fundamentally Unstable If the negotiations result in a “magnificent” deal this year, they could help those chances. Negotiations could face a test before that time, if either side abandons negotiations or gets cold feet before agreeing to a deal. Chart 10Brinkmanship Results In US Shows Of Force Brinkmanship Results In US Shows Of Force Brinkmanship Results In US Shows Of Force Testing periods in the current relationship involve shows of US military strength, as in the summer of “fire and fury” in 2017, and as the US also showed in a similar summer of fire and fury with Iran in 2019 (Chart 10). Shows of force typically are a source of passing volatility, at best, in global financial markets. But in this year’s context the risk of broader US-China strategic competition would amplify that impact, even if it is transient. Investment Takeaways For global investors, what matters is if a North Korean crisis destabilizes the region and if US-China relations destabilize for this or any other reason. If Kim dies, we expect instability to ensue in North Korea eventually, if not immediately, and this would entail some degree of instability among the major powers. The US and China would seek to shape the outcome on the peninsula – China has already sent a team of officials. Washington and Beijing have a shared interest in preventing regime collapse, but they have a high level of distrust and different aims for the regime that might emerge in the aftermath. Tensions would get extremely high amid a power vacuum in North Korea. To gauge the durability of the US-China détente, the phase one trade deal signed in January, we are monitoring the CNY-USD exchange rate and President Trump’s approval rating (Chart 11). Renminbi depreciation is possible to ease pressure on China’s weak economy, but it would break the deal entirely, given that most other elements of the deal are either interrupted by the recession (goods purchases) or unverifiable (intellectual property protections). Chart 11Yuan Depreciation Or Falling Trump Approval Threaten Global Equities Yuan Depreciation Or Falling Trump Approval Threaten Global Equities Yuan Depreciation Or Falling Trump Approval Threaten Global Equities Meanwhile President Trump only has an incentive to refrain from punitive measures as long as he believes his economy and election chances are salvageable. If this changes, and he is stuck in the 42% approval range or below, he may become a “lame duck” and attempt to turn the tables. Aggressive scapegoating of China, which has attracted widespread American disfavor, is a possible tactic for him to outmaneuver his rival, former Vice President Joe Biden, who is allegedly soft on China. We have long argued that US-China tensions would spill over to strategic disputes in China’s periphery and cause a higher risk-premium in global equities and risk assets exposed to this relationship. The current fragile environment of pandemic and recession makes a risk-off more likely by rendering both the US and China more vulnerable. We have held that the Taiwan Strait was more likely than the Korean peninsula to be the site of a crisis this year, but Kim Jong Un’s death would change that calculation. Two final points. First, North Korea has a long and distinguished history of feigning weakness in order to get foreign aid. If the great powers think it is on the verge of collapse then they will offer aid and possibly sanctions relief. With the pandemic and recession, we could eventually learn that Kim is alive and well, but that North Korea wants assistance with the pandemic. As outlined above, it is still possible that Kim’s health is fine, and yet that a failure of diplomacy with President Trump results in significant saber-rattling this year. Second, all of the above demonstrates the seriousness of geopolitical risk in East Asia stemming from US-China competition. Distrust is growing on a secular level and is seeing a near-term spike due to COVID and the US election. As a consequence, we take any North Korean instability seriously. But we also see potential for conflicts to emerge in the Taiwan Strait or the South China Sea, where a standoff between China, its rival territorial claimants, and the US is already underway. We remain tactically defensive and continue to recommend the Japanese yen as a hedge. We are adding JPY-EUR to this mix. On a longer-term horizon we recommend investors remain long selective international equities and commodities. For now we remain overweight Korean equities relative to Taiwanese, but we will close this trade on any confirmation that Kim is dead or incapacitated. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com

Highlights Yesterday we published a Special Report titled EM: Foreign Currency Debt Strains. We are upgrading our stance on EM local currency bonds from negative to neutral. Before upgrading to a bullish stance, we would first need to upgrade our stance on EM currencies. We recommend receiving long-term swap rates in Russia, Mexico, Colombia, China and India. EM central banks’ swap lines with the Fed could be used to fend off short-term speculative attacks on EM currencies. Nevertheless, they cannot prevent EM exchange rates from depreciation when fundamental pressures warrant weaker EM currencies. For the rampant expansion of US money supply to produce a lasting greenback depreciation, US dollars should be recycled abroad. This is not yet occurring. Domestic Bonds: A New Normal Chart I-1Performance Of EM Domestic Bonds In The Last Decade Performance Of EM Domestic Bonds In The Last Decade Performance Of EM Domestic Bonds In The Last Decade In recent years, our strategy has favored the US dollar and, by extension, US Treasurys over EM domestic bonds. Chart I-1 demonstrates that the EM GBI local currency bond total return index in US dollar terms is at the same level as it was in 2011, and has massively underperformed 5-year US Treasurys. We are now upgrading our stance on EM local currency bonds from negative to neutral. Consistently, we recommend investors seek longer duration in EM domestic bonds while remaining cautious on the majority of EM currencies. Before upgrading to a bullish stance on EM local bonds, we would first need to upgrade our stance on EM currencies. Still, long-term investors who can tolerate volatility should begin accumulating EM local bonds on any further currency weakness. Our upgrade is based on the following reasons: First, there has been a fundamental shift in EM central banks’ policies. In past global downturns, many EM central banks hiked interest rates to defend their currencies. Presently, they are cutting rates aggressively despite large currency depreciation. This is the right policy action to fight the epic deflationary shock that EM economies are presently facing. There has been a fundamental shift in EM central banks’ policies. They are cutting rates aggressively despite large currency depreciation. Historically, EM local bond yields were often negatively correlated with exchange rates (Chart I-2, top panel). Similarly, when EM currencies began plunging two months ago, EM local bond yields initially spiked. However, following the brief spike, bond yields have begun dropping, even though EM currencies have not rallied (Chart I-2, bottom panel). This represents a new normal, which we discussed in detail in our October 24 report. Overall, even if EM currencies continue to depreciate, EM domestic bond yields will drop as they price in lower EM policy rates. Second, the monetary policy transmission mechanism in many EMs was broken before the COVID-19 outbreak. Even though central banks in many developing countries were reducing their policy rates before the pandemic, commercial banks’ corresponding lending rates were not dropping much (Chart I-3, top panel). Chart II-2EM Local Bond Yields And EM Currencies EM Local Bond Yields And EM Currencies EM Local Bond Yields And EM Currencies Chart I-3EM ex-China: Monetary Transmission Has Been Impaired EM ex-China: Monetary Transmission Has Been Impaired EM ex-China: Monetary Transmission Has Been Impaired   Further, core inflation rates were at all time lows and prime lending rates in real terms were extremely high (Chart I-3, middle panels). Consequently, bank loan growth was slowing preceding the pandemic (Chart I-3, bottom panel). The reason was banks’ poor financial health. Saddled with a lot of NPLs, banks had been seeking wide interest rate margins to generate profit and recapitalize themselves. With the outburst of the pandemic and the sudden stop in domestic and global economic activity, EM banks’ willingness to lend has all but evaporated. Chart I-4 reveals EM ex-China bank stocks have plunged, despite considerable monetary policy easing in EM, which historically was bullish for bank share prices. This upholds the fact that the monetary policy transmission mechanism in EM is broken. Mounting bad loans due to the pandemic will only reinforce these dynamics. Swap lines with the Fed cannot prevent EM exchange rates from depreciation when fundamental pressures – global and domestic recessions – warrant weaker EM currencies. In brief, EM lower policy rates will not be transmitted to lower borrowing costs for companies and households anytime soon. Loan growth and domestic demand will remain in an air pocket for some time.    Consequently, EM policy rates will have to drop much lower to have a meaningful impact on growth. Third, there is value in EM local yields. The yield differential between EM GBI local currency bonds and 5-year US Treasurys shot up back to 500 basis points, the upper end of its historical range (Chart I-5). Chart I-4EM ex-China: Bank Stocks Plunged Despite Rate Cuts EM ex-China: Bank Stocks Plunged Despite Rate Cuts EM ex-China: Bank Stocks Plunged Despite Rate Cuts Chart I-5The EM Vs. US Yield Differential Is Attractive The EM Vs. US Yield Differential Is Attractive The EM Vs. US Yield Differential Is Attractive   Bottom Line: Odds favor further declines in EM local currency bond yields. Fixed-income investors should augment their duration exposure. We express this view by recommending receiving swap rates in the following markets: Russia, Mexico, Colombia, India and China. This is in addition to our existing receiver positions in Korean and Malaysian swap rates. For more detail, please refer to the Investment Recommendations section on page 8. Nevertheless, absolute-return investors should be cognizant of further EM currency depreciation. EM Currencies: At Mercy Of Global Growth Chart I-6EM Currencies Correlate With Commodities Prices EM Currencies Correlate With Commodities Prices EM Currencies Correlate With Commodities Prices The key driver of EM currencies has been and remains global growth. The latter will remain very depressed for some time, warranting patience before turning bullish on EM exchange rates. We have long argued that EM exchange rates are driven not by US interest rates but by global growth. Industrial metals prices offer a reasonable pulse on global growth. Chart I-6 illustrates their tight correlation with EM currencies. Even though the S&P 500 has rebounded sharply in recent weeks, there are no signs of a meaningful improvement in industrial metals prices. Various raw materials prices in China are also sliding (Chart I-7). In a separate section below we lay out the case as to why there is more downside in iron ore and steel as well as coal prices in China. Finally, the ADXY – the emerging Asia currency index against the US dollar – has broken down below its 2008, 2016 and 2018-19 lows (Chart I-8). This is a very bearish technical profile, suggesting more downside ahead. This fits with our fundamental assessment that a recovery in global economic activity is not yet imminent. Chart I-7China: Commodities Prices Are Sliding China: Commodities Prices Are Sliding China: Commodities Prices Are Sliding Chart I-8A Breakdown In Emerging Asian Currencies A Breakdown In Emerging Asian Currencies A Breakdown In Emerging Asian Currencies   What About The Fed’s Swap Lines? A pertinent question is whether EM central banks’ foreign currency reserves and the Federal Reserve’s swap lines with several of its EM counterparts are sufficient to prop up EM currencies prior to a pickup in global growth. The short answer is as follows: These swap lines will likely limit the downside but cannot preclude further depreciation. With the exception of Turkey and South Africa, virtually all mainstream EM banks have large foreign currency reserves. On top of this, several of them – Brazil, Mexico, South Korea and Singapore– have recently obtained access to Fed swap lines. Their own foreign exchange reserves and the swap lines with the Fed give them an option to defend their currencies from depreciation if they choose to do so. However, selling US dollars by EM central banks is not without cost. When central banks sell their FX reserves or dollars obtained from the Fed via swap lines, they withdraw local currency liquidity from the system. As a result, banking system liquidity shrinks, pushing up interbank rates. This is equivalent to hiking interest rates. The Fed’s outright money printing is the sole reason to buy EM risk assets and currencies at the moment. Yet, EM fundamentals – namely, its growth outlook – remain downbeat. Hence, the cost of defending the exchange rate by using FX reserves is both liquidity and credit tightening. In such a case, the currency could stabilize but the economy will take a beating. Since the currency depreciation was itself due to economic weakness, such a policy will in and of itself be self-defeating. The basis is that escalating domestic economic weakness will re-assert its dampening effect on the currency. Of course, EM central banks can offset such tightening by injecting new liquidity. However, this could also backfire and lead to renewed currency depreciation. Bottom Line: EM central banks’ swap lines with the Fed are primarily intended to instill confidence among investors in financial markets. They could be used to fend off short-term speculative attacks on EM currencies. Nevertheless, they cannot prevent EM exchange rates from depreciation when fundamental pressures – global and domestic recessions – warrant weaker EM currencies. What About The Fed’s Money Printing? Chart I-9The Fed Is Aggressively Printing Money The Fed Is Aggressively Printing Money The Fed Is Aggressively Printing Money The Fed is printing money and monetising not only public debt but also substantial amounts of private debt. This will ultimately be very bearish for the US dollar. Chart I-9 illustrates that the Fed is printing money much more aggressively than during its quantitative easing (QE) policies post 2008. The key difference between the Fed’s liquidity provisions now and during its previous QEs is as follows: When the Fed purchases securities from or lends to commercial banks, it creates new reserves (banking system liquidity) but it does not create money supply. Banks’ reserves at the Fed are not a part of broad money supply. This was generally the case during previous QEs when the Fed was buying bonds mostly – but not exclusively – from banks, therefore increasing reserves without raising money supply by much. When the Fed lends to or purchases securities from non-banks, it creates both excess reserves for the banking system and money supply (deposits at banks) out of thin air. The fact that US money supply (M2) growth is now much stronger than during the 2010s QEs suggests the recent surge in US money supply is due to the Fed’s asset purchases from and lending to non-banks, which creates money/deposits outright.  The rampant expansion of US money supply will eventually lead to the greenback’s depreciation. However, for the US dollar to depreciate against EM currencies, the following two conditions should be satisfied: 1. US imports should expand, reviving global growth, i.e., the US should send dollars to the rest of the world by buying goods and services. This is not yet happening as domestic demand in America has plunged and any demand recovery in the next three to six months will be tame and muted. 2. US investors should channel US dollars to EM to purchase EM financial assets. In recent weeks, foreign flows have been returning to EM due to the considerable improvement in EM asset valuations. However, the sustainability of these capital flows into EM remains questionable. The main reasons are two-fold: (A) there is huge uncertainty on how efficiently EM countries will be able handle the economic and health repercussions of the pandemic; and (B) global growth remains weak and, as we discussed above, it has historically been the main driver of EM risk assets and currencies.  Bottom Line: The Fed’s outright money printing is the sole reason to buy EM risk assets and currencies at the moment. Yet, EM fundamentals – namely, its growth outlook – remain downbeat. Overall, we recommend investors to stay put on EM risk assets and currencies in the near-term. Investment Recommendations Chart I-10China: Bet On Lower Long-Term Yields China: Bet On Lower Long-Term Yields China: Bet On Lower Long-Term Yields We have been recommending receiving rates in a few markets such as Korea and Malaysia. Now, we are widening this universe to include Russia, Mexico, Colombia, China, and India. In China, the long end of the yield curve offers value (Chart I-10, top panel). The People’s Bank of China has brought down short rates dramatically but the long end has so far lagged (Chart I-10, bottom panel). We recommend investors receive 10-year swap rates. Fixed-income investors could also bet on yield curve flattening. The recovery in China will be tame and the PBoC will keep interest rates lower for longer. Consequently, long-dated swap rates will gravitate toward short rates.  We are closing three fixed-income trades: In Mexico, we are booking profits on our trade of receiving 2-year / paying 10-year swap rates – a bet on a steeper yield curve. This position has generated a 152 basis-point gain since its initiation on April 12, 2018. In Colombia, our bet on yield curve flattening has produced a loss of 28 basis points since January 17, 2019. We are closing it. In Chile, we are closing our long 3-year bonds / short 3-year inflation-linked bonds position. This trade has returned 2.0% since we recommended it on October 3, 2019. For dedicated EM domestic bond portfolios, our overweights are Russia, Mexico, Peru, Colombia, Korea, Malaysia, Thailand, India, China, Pakistan and Ukraine. Our underweights are South Africa, Turkey, Brazil, Indonesia and the Philippines. The remaining markets warrant a neutral allocation. Regarding EM currencies, we continue to recommend shorting a basket of the following currencies versus the US dollar: BRL, CLP, ZAR, IDR, PHP and KRW. Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com Chinese Steel, Iron Ore And Coal Markets: Heading South Chart II-1Steel, Iron Ore And Coal Prices: More Downside Ahead? Steel, Iron Ore And Coal Prices: More Downside Ahead? Steel, Iron Ore And Coal Prices: More Downside Ahead? Odds are that iron ore, steel and coal prices will all continue heading south (Chart II-1). Lower prices will harm both Chinese and global producers of these commodities. Steel And Iron Ore The oversupplied conditions in the Chinese steel market will become even more aggravated over the next three to six months. First, Chinese output of steel products has not contracted even though demand plunged in the first three months of the year, creating oversupply. Despite falling steel prices and the demand breakdown resulting from the COVID-19 outbreak, Chinese crude steel output still grew at 1.5% and its steel products output only declined 0.6% between January and March from a year ago (Chart II-2). Chart II-2Steel Products Output In China: Still No Contraction Steel Products Output In China: Still No Contraction Steel Products Output In China: Still No Contraction The profit margin of Chinese steel producers has compressed but not enough to herald a sizable cut in mainland steel production. Despite oversupply, Chinese steel producers are reluctant to curtail output to prevent layoffs. This year, there will be 62 million tons of new steel production capacity while 82 million tons of obsolete capacity will be shut down. As the capacity-utilization rate (CUR) of the new advanced production capacity will be much higher than the CUR on those soon-to-be-removed capacities in previous years, this will help lift steel output.   Second, Chinese steel demand has plummeted, and any revival will be mild and gradual over the next three to six months. Construction accounts for about 55% of Chinese steel demand, with about 35% coming from the property market and 20% from infrastructure. Additionally, the automobile industry contributes about 10% of demand. All three sectors are currently in deep contraction (Chart II-3). Looking ahead, we expect that the demand for steel from property construction and automobile production will revive only gradually. Overall, it will continue contracting on a year-on-year basis, albeit at a diminishing rate than now. While we projected a 6-8% rise in Chinese infrastructure investment for this year, most of that will be back-loaded to the second half of the year. In addition, modest and gradual steel demand increases from this source will not be able to offset the loss of demand from the property and automobile sectors. The oversupplied conditions in the Chinese steel market will become even more aggravated over the next three to six months. Reflecting the disparity between weak demand and resilient supply, steel inventories in the hands of producers and traders are surging, which also warrants much lower prices (Chart II-4).   Chart II-3Deep Contraction In Steel Demand From Major Users Deep Contraction In Steel Demand From Major Users Deep Contraction In Steel Demand From Major Users Chart II-4Significant Build-Up In Steel Inventories Significant Build-Up In Steel Inventories Significant Build-Up In Steel Inventories   Chart II-5Chinese Iron Ore Imports Will Likely Decline In 2020 Chinese Iron Ore Imports Will Likely Decline In 2020 Chinese Iron Ore Imports Will Likely Decline In 2020 Regarding iron ore, mushrooming steel inventories in China and lower steel prices will eventually lead to steel output cutbacks in the country. This will be compounded by shrinking steel production outside of China, dampening global demand for iron ore. Besides, in China, scrap steel prices have fallen more sharply than iron ore prices have. This makes the use of scrap steel more appealing than iron ore in steel production. Chinese iron ore imports will likely drop this year (Chart II-5). Finally, the global output of iron ore is likely to increase in 2020. The top three producers (Vale, Rio Tinto and BHP) have all set their 2020 guidelines above their 2019 production levels. This will further weigh on iron ore prices. Coal Although Chinese coal prices will also face downward pressure, we believe that the downside will be much less than that for steel and iron ore prices. Coal prices have already declined nearly 27% from their 2019 peak. They recently declined below 500 RMB per ton – the lower end of a range that the government generally tries to maintain. Prices had not dropped below this level since September 2016. In the near term, prices could go down by another 5-10%, given that record-high domestic coal production and imports have overwhelmed the market (Chart II-6). Coal prices have already declined nearly 27% from their 2019 peak. They recently declined below 500 RMB per ton – the lower end of a range that the government generally tries to maintain. However, there are emerging supportive forces. China Coal Transport & Distribution Association (CCTD), the nation’s leading industry group, on April 18, called on the industry to slash production (of both thermal and coking coal) in May by 10%. It also proposed that the government should restrict imports. The CCTD stated that about 42% of the producers are losing money at current coal prices. The government had demanded producers make similar cuts for a much longer time duration in 2016, which pushed coal to sky-high prices.  The outlook for a revival in the consumption of electricity and, thereby, in the demand for coal is more certain than it is for steel and iron ore. About 60% of Chinese coal is used to generate thermal power. Finally, odds are rising that the government will temporarily impose restrictions on coal imports as it did last December – when coal imports to China fell by 70% as a result. Investment Implications Companies and countries producing these commodities will be hurt by the reduction of Chinese purchases. These include, but are not limited to, producers in Indonesia, Australia, Brazil and South Africa. Iron ore and coal make up 10% of total exports in Brazil, 6% in South Africa, 18% in Indonesia and 32% in Australia. Investors should avoid global steel and mining stocks (Chart II-7). Chart II-6Chinese Coal Output And Imports Are At Record Highs Chinese Coal Output And Imports Are At Record Highs Chinese Coal Output And Imports Are At Record Highs Chart II-7Avoid Global Steel And Mining Stocks For Now Avoid Global Steel And Mining Stocks For Now Avoid Global Steel And Mining Stocks For Now   We continue to recommend shorting BRL, ZAR and IDR versus the US dollar. Ellen JingYuan He Associate Vice President ellenj@bcaresearch.com     Footnotes   Equities Recommendations Currencies, Credit And Fixed-Income Recommendations

Highlights The Chinese economy is recovering at a slower rate than the equity market has priced in. There is a high likelihood of negative revisions to Q2 EPS estimates and an elevated risk of a near-term price correction in Chinese stocks.  We expect a meaningful pickup in credit growth in H1 to improve domestic demand gain tractions in H2. This supports our overweight stance on Chinese stocks in the next 6-12 months, in both absolute and relative terms. There is still a strong probability that the yield curve will flatten, and the 10-year government bond yield may even dip below 2% in the wake of disappointing economic data in Q2. But our baseline scenario suggests the 10-year government bond yield should bottom no later than Q3 of this year. Feature This week’s report addresses pressing concerns from clients in China’s post-Covid-19 environment. China’s economy contracted by 6.8% in Q1, the largest GDP growth slump since 1976. Furthermore, the IMF’s baseline scenario projects a 3% contraction in global economic growth in 2020, with the Chinese economy growing at a mere 1.2%.1 This dim annual growth outlook means that the contraction in China’s economy will likely extend to Q2, dragging down corporate profit growth. In our April 1st report2 we recommended that investors maintain a neutral stance on Chinese stocks in the next three months due to uncertainties surrounding the pandemic, the oversized passive outperformance in Chinese stocks, and heightened risks for further risk-asset selloffs. On a 6- to 12-month horizon, however, we have a higher conviction that Chinese stocks will outperform global benchmarks. Our view is based on a decisive shift by policymakers to a “whatever it takes” approach to boost the economy. We believe that the speed of China’s economic recovery in the second half of 2020 will outpace other major economies.  Q: China’s economy is recovering ahead of other major economies. Why did you recently downgrade your tactical call on Chinese equities from overweight to neutral relative to global stocks? A: China’s economy is recovering, but it is recovering at a slower rate than the equity market has fully priced in (Chart 1A and 1B). We believe the likelihood of negative revisions to Q2 EPS estimates is high, and the risk of a near-term price correction in Chinese stocks remains elevated.  Chart 1AElevated Chinese Equity Outperformance Relative To Global Stocks Elevated Chinese Equity Outperformance Relative To Global Stocks Elevated Chinese Equity Outperformance Relative To Global Stocks Chart 1BChinese Stocks Largely Ignored Weakness In Domestic Economy Chinese Stocks Largely Ignored Weakness In Domestic Economy Chinese Stocks Largely Ignored Weakness In Domestic Economy The lackluster March data suggests that the pace of China’s economic recovery in April and even May will likely disappoint, weighing on the growth prospects for Q2’s corporate earnings (Chart 2). Chart 2EPS Growth Estimates Likely To Capitulate In Q2 EPS Growth Estimates Likely To Capitulate In Q2 EPS Growth Estimates Likely To Capitulate In Q2 The work resumption rate in China’s 36 provinces jumped sharply between mid-February and mid-March. However, since that time, the resumption rate among large enterprises has hovered around 80% of normal capacity (Chart 3). Chart 3Work Resumption Hardly Improved Since Mid-March Three Questions Following The Coronacrisis Three Questions Following The Coronacrisis The flattening of the work resumption rate curve is due to a lack of strong recovery in demand. Chart 4So Far No Strong Recovery In Domestic Demand So Far No Strong Recovery In Domestic Demand So Far No Strong Recovery In Domestic Demand The flattening of the resumption rate curve is due to a lack of strong recovery in demand. Although there was a surge in Chinese imports in crude oil and raw materials, the increase was the result of China taking advantage of low commodity prices. This surge cannot be sustained without a pickup in domestic demand. The March bounce back in domestic demand from the manufacturing, construction, and household sectors has all been lackluster (Chart 4). External demand, which growth remained in contraction through March, will likely worsen in Q2 (Chart 5). Exports shrunk by 6.6% in March, up from a deep contraction of 17.2% in January-February. Export orders can take more than a month to be processed, therefore, March’s data reflects pent-up orders from the first two months of the year. The US and European economies started their lockdowns in March, so Chinese exports will only feel the full impact of the collapse in demand from its trading partners in April and May. The work resumption rate will advance only if the momentum in domestic demand recovery increases to fully offset the collapse in external demand. The current 83% rate of work resumption implies that industrial output growth in April will remain in contraction on a year-over-year basis (Chart 6). Chart 5External Demand Will Worsen In Q2 External Demand Will Worsen In Q2 External Demand Will Worsen In Q2 Chart 6Will Q2 Industrial Output Growth Remain In Contraction? Will Q2 Industrial Output Growth Remain In Contraction? Will Q2 Industrial Output Growth Remain In Contraction? Although we maintain a constructive outlook on Chinese risk assets in the next 6 to 12 months, the short-term picture remains volatile in view of the emerging economic data. As such, we recommend investors to maintain short-term hedges for risk asset positions. Q: China’s policy response to mitigate the economic blow from COVID-19 has been noticeably smaller than programs rolled out in key developed economies, especially the US. Why do you think such measured stimulus from China warrants an overweight stance on Chinese stocks in the next 6-12 months relative to global benchmarks? A: It is true that the size of existing Chinese stimulus, as a percentage of the Chinese economy, is smaller than that has been announced in the US. But this is due to a different approach China is taking in stimulating its economy. In addition, both the recent policy rhetoric and PBoC actions suggest a large credit expansion is in the works. This will likely overcompensate the damage on China’s aggregate economy, and generate an outperformance in both Chinese economic growth and returns on Chinese risk assets in the next 6 to 12 months. China’s policy responses have an overarching focus on stimulating new demand and investment, which is a different approach from the programs offered by its Western counterparts. In the US, the combination of fiscal and monetary stimulus amounts to 11% of GDP as of April 16, with almost all policy support targeted at keeping companies and individuals afloat. In comparison, China’s policy response accounts for a mere 1.2% of its GDP.3  However, this direct comparison understates the enormous firepower in the Chinese stimulus toolkit, specifically a credit boom. As noted in our February 26 report,4 China has largely resorted to its “old economic playbook” by generating a huge credit wave to ride out the economic turmoil. Our prediction of the policy shift towards a significant escalation in stimulus was confirmed at the March 27 Politburo meeting. Moreover, the April 17 Politburo meeting reinforced a “whatever it takes” policy shift with direct calls on more forceful central bank policy actions, a first since the global financial crisis in 2008.5 Since 2008, the overnight repo rate’s breaking into the IORR-IOER corridor has been a reliable indicator leading to impressive credit upcycles. The PBoC’s recent aggressive easing measures have pushed down the interbank repo rate below the central bank’s interest rate on required reserves (IORR). The price for interbank borrowing is now near the lower range of the rate corridor, between the IORR and the interest rate on excess reserves (IOER).  Since 2008, the overnight repo rate’s breaking into the IORR-IOER corridor has been a reliable indicator leading to impressive credit upcycles (Chart 7).  Such credit super cycles, in turn, have led to both economic booms and an outperformance in Chinese stocks. Chart 7Another Credit Super Cycle Is In The Works Another Credit Super Cycle Is In The Works Another Credit Super Cycle Is In The Works Chart 8Financial Conditions Were Extremely Tight In 2011-2014 Financial Conditions Were Extremely Tight In 2011-2014 Financial Conditions Were Extremely Tight In 2011-2014 The 2012-2015 cycle was an exception to the relationship between the overnight interbank repo rate, credit growth and Chinese stock performance. A steep pickup in credit growth in 2012 coincided with a leap in the overnight interbank repo rate, and the credit boom did not help boost demand in the real economy or improve Chinese stock performance. This is because corporate borrowing was severely curtailed by high lending rates during a four-year monetary tightening cycle from 2011 to 2014 (Chart 8). The credit boom during that cycle was largely driven by explosive growth in short-term shadow-bank lending and wealth management products (WMP), and did not channel into the real economy.6 We do not think such an extreme phenomena will replay under the current circumstances. Monetary stance will likely remain tremendously accommodative through the end of the year to facilitate a continuous rollout of medium- to long-term bank loans and local government bonds. Chinese financial institutions’ “animal spirits” may have been unleashed. But under the scrutiny of the Macro-Prudential Assessment Framework and the New Asset Management Rules,7 the "animal spirits" are unlikely to run up enough risks to prompt the PBoC to prematurely tighten liquidity conditions in the interbank market. Marginal propensity in China is pro-cyclical, which tends to lag credit cycles by 6 months. Chart 9Marginal Propensity In China Is Pro-Cyclical Marginal Propensity In China Is Pro-Cyclical Marginal Propensity In China Is Pro-Cyclical Both corporate and household marginal propensity, a measure of the willingness to spend, will pick up as well. Marginal propensity is pro-cyclical, which tends to lag credit cycles by 6 months (Chart 9). In other words, when interest rates are low and credit growth improves, corporates and households tend to spend more.  The meaningful expansion in credit growth, which started in Q1 and will sustain in the coming two to three quarters, will help corporate and household spending gain tractions in H2. This constructive view on Chinese stimulus and economic recovery supports our overweight stance on Chinese stocks in the next 6-12 months, in both absolute and relative terms.  Q: The yield curve in Chinese government bonds has steepened following PBoC’s aggressive monetary easing announcements. Has the Chinese 10-year bond yield bottomed?   A: No, we do not think the 10-year bond yield has bottomed. There is probability the 10-year government bond yield may briefly dip below 2% in Q2. However, barring a multi-year global economic recession, we think the 10-year government bond yield will bottom no later than Q3 this year. Chart 10A Wide Gap Between The Long and Short A Wide Gap Between The Long and Short A Wide Gap Between The Long and Short The short end of the yield curve dropped disproportionally compared with the long end, following the PBoC’s announcement to place its first IOER cut since 2008 (Chart 10). This led to a rapid steepening in the yield curve. While our view supports a flattening of the yield curve in Q2 and even a 50bps drop in the 10-year government bond yield, we think that the capitulation will be brief. In order for the 10-year government bond yield to remain below 2% for an extended period of time, the market needs to believe one or more of the following will happen: The pandemic will cause a multi-year global economic recession, preventing the PBoC from normalizing its policy stance in the foreseeable future. The duration and depth of the economic impact from the pandemic are still moving targets. Our baseline scenario suggests that the Chinese economic recovery will pick up momentum in H2 this year. The PBoC will not normalize its policy stance even when the economy has stabilized. The PBoC has a track record as a reactive central bank rather than a proactive one. Still, during each of the past three economic and credit cycles, the PBoC has started to normalize its interest rate on average nine months following a bottom in the business cycle (Chart 11). The tightening of interest rate even applied to the prolonged economic downturn and deep deflationary cycle in 2015/16 (Chart 12).    Chart 11The 'Old Faithful' PBoC Policy Normalization Pattern The 'Old Faithful' PBoC Policy Normalization Pattern The 'Old Faithful' PBoC Policy Normalization Pattern Chart 12Policy Normalized Even After A Long Economic Downturn Policy Normalized Even After A Long Economic Downturn Policy Normalized Even After A Long Economic Downturn Chart 132008 Or 2015? 2008 Or 2015? 2008 Or 2015? How the yield curve has historically behaved also depended on the market’s expectations on the speed of the economic recovery, and the timing of the subsequent monetary policy normalization. The yield curved spiked in the wake of substantial monetary easing and pickup in credit growth, in both 2008 and 2015 (Chart 13). While in 2008 the yield curve moved in lockstep with the 3-month SHIBOR with a perfect reverse correlation, in the 2015/16 cycle the yield curve spiked initially but quickly flattened. The long end of the yield curve capitulated as soon as the market realized the economic slowdown was a prolonged one. The 10-year government bond yield, after trending sideways in early 2016, only truly bottomed after the nominal output growth troughed in Q1 2016 (Chart 13, bottom panel). Will the yield curve behave like in 2008, or more like in 2015 in this cycle? We think it will be somewhere in between. The current economic cycle bottomed in Q1, but the economy is only recovering slowly and we expect a U-shaped economic recovery rather than a 2008-style V-shaped one.  At the same time, our baseline scenario does not suggest the current environment will evolve into a 4-year deflationary cycle as in the 2012-2016 period. Therefore, we expect the low interest rate environment to endure for another two to three quarters before the PBoC starts to reverse its policy stance back to the pre-COVID-19 range. As such, the yield on 10-year government bonds will fall, possibly by as much as 50bps, when the economic data disappoint in Q2 and more rate cuts are forthcoming.  But it will bottom when the economic recovery starts to gain traction in H22020 and the market starts to price in a subsequent monetary policy normalization.  When growth slows and debt rises sharply, the PBoC will need to join its western counterparts to permanently maintain an ultra-low interest rate policy to accommodate its high debt level. We acknowledge the fact that China’s potential output growth is trending down (Chart 14).  But it has been trending downwards since 2011. A structurally slowing rate of economic growth has not prevented the PBoC from cyclically raising its policy rate. Hence, unless we see evidence that the pandemic is meaningfully lowering China’s potential growth on par with growth rates in the DMs, our baseline scenario does not support a structural ultra-low interest rate environment in China. China’s debt-to-GDP ratio will most likely rise substantially this year, given that the credit impulse will gain momentum and GDP will grow very modestly. However, this rapid rise in the debt-to-GDP ratio will most likely not be sustained beyond this year. Even if we assume that credit impulse will account for 40% of GDP in 2020 (the same magnitude as in 2008/09), a sharp reversal in the output gap in 2021, as predicted by IMF,8 will flatten the debt-to-GDP ratio curve (Chart 15).  Moreover, following every credit super cycle in the past, Chinese authorities have put a brake on the debt-to-GDP ratio. Chart 14China's Potential Growth Is Likely To Trend Lower... China's Potential Growth Is Likely To Trend Lower... China's Potential Growth Is Likely To Trend Lower... Chart 15...But Has Not Stopped PBoC From Flattening The Debt Curve ...But Has Not Stopped PBoC From Flattening The Debt Curve ...But Has Not Stopped PBoC From Flattening The Debt Curve   All in all, while we see a high possibility for the 10-year government bond yield to fall in Q2, the decline will be limited in terms of duration. Jing Sima China Strategist jings@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes   1IMF World Economic Outlook, April 2020 2Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report "Investing During A Global Pandemic," dated April 1, 2020, available at cis.bcaresearch.com 3IMF, Policy Responses To COVID-19 https://www.imf.org/en/Topics/imf-and-covid19/Policy-Responses-to-COVID-19#U 4Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report "China: Back To Its Old Economic Playbook?" dated February 26, 2020, available at cis.bcaresearch.com 5“Stable monetary policy must become more flexible” and “use RRR reductions, lower interest rates, re-lending and other measures to preserve adequate liquidity and guide the loan prime rate downwards.” Statements from Xi Jinping, April 17, 2020 Politburo Meeting. http://www.gov.cn/xinwen/2020-04/17/content_5503621.htm  6 Bankers’ acceptances - short-term debt instruments guaranteed by commercial banks - swelled by 887% between end-2008 and 2012. The outstanding amount of WMPs jumped from 1.7 trillion RMB in 2009 to more than 9 trillion RMB by H12013. In contrast, the amount of RMB-denominated bank loans increased by only 67% during the same period. 7The Macro-Prudential Assessment Framework and the New Asset Management Rules were implemented in 2016 and 2018, respectively. They are designed to create additional restrictions to curb shadow-bank lending and broaden the PBoC’s oversight on banks’ WMP holdings. 8The April IMF World Economic Outlook predicts a 1.2% Chinese GDP growth in 2020 and a 9.2% GDP growth in 2021. Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations

Highlights The near-term is fraught with risk for US equities and global risk assets. Investors concerned over uncertainty, a slow recovery, and economic aftershocks must also guard against geopolitics. COVID-19 is not a victory for dictatorship over democracies. Democracies face voters and will ultimately improve government effectiveness. President Trump is likely to lose the US election. As this becomes increasingly likely, his policy will turn more aggressive, increasing geopolitical risks – particularly in US-China relations. Stay short CNY-USD. Stay long defense stocks. Feature Chart 1Another Downdraft Is Likely Geopolitics Is The Next Shoe To Drop Geopolitics Is The Next Shoe To Drop US equity prices have risen 26% since their March 23 low point, but our review of systemic global crises suggests that a re-test of the bottom would not be surprising (Chart 1). A range of mitigating health policies – plus still-growing policy stimulus – will most likely prevent a depression. But a longer than expected economic trough, due to some persistent level of social distancing pre-vaccine, and negative second-order effects, such as emerging market crises, could trigger another wave of selling. Moreover we expect another shoe to drop: geopolitics. A Light At The End Of The Tunnel Governments are starting to get a handle on the COVID-19 pandemic. The number of daily new cases in the European Union, which is most clearly correlated with global equities, has subsided (Chart 2). Chart 2Any Setbacks Will Hit Equity Market Hard Any Setbacks Will Hit Equity Market Hard Any Setbacks Will Hit Equity Market Hard The US is also seeing new cases crest. To be safe one should count on a subsidiary spike that could easily set back US equities after a notable stock market rally (Chart 2, second panel). But Europe has shown that social distancing works, which US investors will recognize. Italy’s Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte is expected to begin the gradual loosening of social controls to restart the economy. Since Italy is the hardest hit of the western nations (second only to Spain), its leaders will not relax lockdown measures unless they are sure they can do so safely (Chart 2, bottom panel). Still, if governments loosen controls too soon, they may have to tighten them again. Uncertainty will therefore persist regarding the pace of economic normalization, which is bound to be slow due to the fact that discretionary spending will remain suppressed, as it is today in China, and the special precautions that at-risk populations like the elderly will have to take. Economic stimulus measures are still growing in size. Japan’s stimulus, which we count at 16% of GDP, is smaller than the headline 20% but still very large. We have long argued that Japan was on the forefront of the move toward debt monetization among developed markets, but COVID-19 has accelerated the paradigm shift. The United Kingdom has now explicitly stated that the Bank of England will directly finance government debt. The Spanish government is proposing Universal Basic Income (UBI), which it hopes to make permanent, rather than merely for the duration of the pandemic. The jury is still out on whether the weak Pedro Sanchez government will be able to pass it but the current is in favor of “whatever it takes.” Italy’s Five Star Movement has long advocated universal basic income and is part of a ruling coalition that has received a wave of popular support to combat the crisis. At present only a more limited “income of emergency” is being legislated, in keeping with the more centrist Democratic Party, a coalition partner. But Italy’s devastation creates the impetus for bolder moves, either by this government or a subsequent government in 2021 or after. The European institutions are backstopping these states, at least for now, so any deeper disagreements about climbing down from stimulus will have to wait until the coming years. The EU itself is likely to announce additional fiscal measures, via the European Stability Mechanism, whose austerity requirements will be waived, and the European Investment Bank. We can see a token agreement on “coronabonds” (joint debt issuance by the Euro Area), but investors should not fixate on the eurobond debate. These would require a new mechanism, which is inexpedient, whereas the existing mechanisms are already sufficient to bankroll the huge deficit spending plans that the member states are already rolling out. The United States is negotiating an additional “phase four” package that could range between $500 billion and $2 trillion, meaning anywhere from 2.5% to 10% of GDP in new measures (Chart 3). Our estimate would err on the high side because it will largely consist of the same key elements as the “phase three” $2.3 trillion package: unemployment benefits and cash to households, plus a larger dollop for local governments than in the last package. Chart 3Fiscal Tsunami Is Still Building Geopolitics Is The Next Shoe To Drop Geopolitics Is The Next Shoe To Drop Congress is scheduled to return to vote the week of April 20, but an early return is entirely possible if the pandemic worsens. If the infection curve is flattening, then Republican Senators may hold out longer in negotiations. Squabbling would cause temporary agitation in equity markets. The Democrats and the Republicans still have a mutual interest in spending profusely: the Republicans to try to salvage their seats through economic improvement by November; the Democrats to prove their election proposition that a larger role for government is necessary. Finally, China is preparing to announce more stimulus. So far Chinese measures amount to only 3% of GDP but this is insufficient given the weakness in China’s economic rebound thus far. The expansion in quasi-fiscal spending (government-controlled credit expansion) is an open question, but we would guesstimate a minimum of 3% of GDP. Dramatic measures should be expected because China is undergoing the first recessionary environment since the Cultural Revolution and President Xi Jinping risks a monumental economic destabilization if he hesitates to shore up aggregate demand, which would ultimately threaten single-party rule. We see little chance of him making this mistake. The problem is that animal spirits and external demand will remain weak regardless, an occasion for disappointments among bullish equity investors. Moreover US-China geopolitical risks are rising again, as discussed below. Our updated list of fiscal measures for 25 countries can be found in the Appendix. Bottom Line: The pandemic is peaking in the US and EU, while more stimulus is coming. This is positive for equity investors with a 12-month time frame but the near-term remains vulnerable to another selloff. Democracies Are Not Less Effective Than Dictatorships The pandemic has given rise to wildly misleading narratives in the financial community and mainstream media about the political ramifications for different nations. Getting these narratives right is important for one’s investment strategy. The most popular is that China “won” – is expanding its global influence – while the United States “lost” – is failing at global leadership. More broadly the authoritarian eastern model is said to be triumphing over the western democratic model. The real distinction among states is whether they were familiar with pandemics emanating from China, the unreliability of China’s transparency and communications, and the need to track and trace infections from the beginning. Thus South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, Vietnam, and Japan have all had relatively benign experiences and all but Vietnam are democracies, with varying degrees of representation and contestation. Nor is COVID-19 an “eastern” versus “western” thing. Germany did an effective job testing, tracking, and tracing infections as well. Germans are relatively law-abiding and trust Chancellor Angela Merkel and the state governments to “do the right thing.” Canada, with its experience of SARS, has also reacted effectively. Denmark, Austria, and the Czech Republic are already tentatively reopening their economies. Yet the number of new confirmed cases per million people shows that Germany is not wildly different from the US and Italy (Chart 4). The truth is that Italy’s bad fortune alerted the US and G7 states to take the threat more seriously – the US has had good outcomes in Washington State but bad outcomes in highly populated New York. Nor is it true that the American health care system is uniquely terrible in treating patients, as is so widely claimed. US deaths per million are worse than Germany but better than Italy (Chart 5) – and Italy’s health system is also not to blame. Failure of ruling parties to spring into decisive action is the main differentiator. Chart 4US In Line With Italy In New Cases … Geopolitics Is The Next Shoe To Drop Geopolitics Is The Next Shoe To Drop Chart 5… But Better In Limiting Deaths Geopolitics Is The Next Shoe To Drop Geopolitics Is The Next Shoe To Drop Chart 6Dictatorships Good At Halting Freedoms Geopolitics Is The Next Shoe To Drop Geopolitics Is The Next Shoe To Drop Dictatorships have had fewer cases and deaths, if their statistics can be trusted – which is a big if.1 This does not suggest that their governance model is better, but rather that they are better at halting freedoms, such as free movement (Chart 6). North Korea has zero cases of COVID-19. People were already under lockdown. Variation within the dictatorships stems from their policy responses and experience fighting pandemics. China, the origin of several recent outbreaks, has extensive experience. It also has a functional health system, fiscal resources, and a heavily centralized power structure. Iran, however, has less experience and capability. The question now is Russia, which was slow to react and has a growing outbreak, yet has a heavily centralized power structure to flatten the curve. Incidentally domestic risk is an important reason for Russia to cooperate with OPEC on oil production cuts, as we have argued. These points can be demonstrated by comparing COVID-19 deaths per million to each nation’s health capabilities and underlying vulnerability to the disease. Note that our intention is to highlight the role of policy in outcomes, not to attempt a full explanation of an epidemiological phenomenon. In Chart 7A, we judge health capacity by health spending per head and life expectancy at the age of 60. Nations that spend a lot per person, and whose people live longer, have better health systems. Yet many of these states are seeing the highest number of deaths because they are European and Europe was the epicenter of the outbreak. Chart 7ARich, Healthy Countries Got Hit Hardest Because Unprepared Geopolitics Is The Next Shoe To Drop Geopolitics Is The Next Shoe To Drop The US ranks right along with Germany and Sweden.2 Policy responses – early testing, tracking, and tracing – explain why South Korea has far fewer deaths than Italy and Spain on a population-weighted basis. However, the underlying conditions still matter, as the US’s health system, travel bans, and distance from the crisis produced better outcomes than its other policy responses would have implied. These data will be more accurate once the infection curve has flattened across the world. The situation is changing rapidly. If the US rises up in deaths per capita, it will be because of its slow responses, or subsequent policies. The same goes for emerging market economies that are ranking low in deaths but either have not seen the full effect of the pandemic, or had more time to adjust policy due to the crisis in Europe. Emerging market economies have lower health capacity, but also younger and hence healthier populations. The older the society, and the higher proportion of severe illnesses like heart and lung disease, the more susceptible to COVID-19 deaths, as Chart 7B shows. But yet again, the policy response still proves decisive. China has more deaths than some countries that are more vulnerable, because it got hit first. If Brazil and Turkey rise higher and higher above China in deaths, as is likely, it is because of policy failure, not basic vulnerability. Chart 7BEurope And US: Vulnerable Populations, Governments Slow To React Geopolitics Is The Next Shoe To Drop Geopolitics Is The Next Shoe To Drop Russia stands out as especially vulnerable in this Chart 7B. Here is where authoritarian measures may pay off, as with China, but only in the short term – since Russia will still be left with an elderly population highly prone to severe illness and a creaking health system. As mentioned above, the risk to Russian stability is a factor pushing for geopolitical cooperation in oil market cartel behavior to push prices up and improve the fiscal outlook to enable better domestic stability management. Bottom Line: Government policy, particularly preparedness and rapid action, have been the decisive factors in containing COVID-19, not dictatorial or democratic government types. The richest countries have the most freedoms and the most vulnerable elderly demographics. Within the rich countries, southern Europe reacted slowly and got hit hardest, with some exceptions. The US’s incompetence has been overrated, based on deaths, probably because of President Trump’s general unpopularity. These results are preliminary but they suggest that the US and EU will experience political change to address their lack of rapid action. Non-democracies will still have to deal with the recession and the consequences on social stability. Democracies Face Voter Blowback Democracies will face the wrath of voters once the immediate crisis dies down. The crisis has driven people to rally around the flag, creating polling bounces for national leaders and ruling parties. In some cases the trough-to-peak increase in popular support is remarkable – President Trump's approval reached 10 percentage points briefly, and he rose over 50% approval in some polls for the first time in his presidency (Chart 8A). Yet these initial bounces are already subsiding, as in Trump’s case (Chart 8B). Chart 8ADemocracies Are Accountable To Voters Geopolitics Is The Next Shoe To Drop Geopolitics Is The Next Shoe To Drop Chart 8BAnd Polling Bounces Are Fading Geopolitics Is The Next Shoe To Drop Geopolitics Is The Next Shoe To Drop By this measure, the US, Italy, France, and Spain all face serious political reckonings going forward. Trump is the first in the firing line. Our quantitative election model relies on state-level leading economic indicators that are lagging and show him still winning with 273 Electoral College votes (Chart 9A). However, if we introduce a 2008-magnitude economic shock to these indexes, the Democrats flip Michigan, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, and New Hampshire, yielding 334 Electoral College votes for former Vice President Joe Biden (Chart 9B). This is assuming Trump’s approval rating stays the same, which, at 46%, is strong relative to the whole term in office. Chart 9AOur Quant Election Model Will Turn Against Trump When Data Catches Up Geopolitics Is The Next Shoe To Drop Geopolitics Is The Next Shoe To Drop Chart 9BA 2008-Style Shock To States Gives Democrats The White House Geopolitics Is The Next Shoe To Drop Geopolitics Is The Next Shoe To Drop Our qualitative judgement reinforces our election model. Historically, US elections are referendums on the ruling party. An incumbent president helps the party win reelection. But a recession is usually insurmountable. George Bush Sr lost in 1992 despite a shallow recession that ended the year before. While Joe Biden is a flawed candidate in numerous ways, the question voters face in November is whether they are better off than they were four years ago. With thousands of deaths and an unemployment rate at or above 20%, it is hard to see swing state voters answering “yes.” Not impossible, but we subjectively put the odds at 35%, and that could easily be revised downward if Trump’s polling falls back down to the 42% range. Trump will also be responsible for the handling of the pandemic itself. His administration obviously made several policy mistakes. A paper trail will highlight intelligence warnings as early as November, and warnings from his inner circle as early as January, that will hurt him.3 Objectively, the Republican Party’s greatest policy flaw, prior to COVID-19, was health care – and this will connect with COVID-19 even if the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare) has little to do with crisis response. Bottom Line: The first and most important political casualty of the pandemic will be Trump’s presidency. Not because the US is uniquely incompetent in the face of the pandemic – although it obviously could have done better, judging by several of the other democracies – but because this year happens to be an election year and democracies hold governments accountable. Major Risk Of Clash With China Chart 10China Likely To Depreciate The Renminbi China Likely To Depreciate The Renminbi China Likely To Depreciate The Renminbi There are two downside geopolitical risks that follow directly from the above. First, while the Democratic candidate Joe Biden is a “centrist,” his position will move to the left of the political spectrum. This is to energize the progressive faction of the party – which is already energized. The market will be taken aback if Biden produces major leftward shifts, in the direction of Senator Bernie Sanders, on taxes, regulation, health care, pharmaceuticals, banks, energy, or tech. This is not a problem when the market is down 36%, but as the market rallies, it becomes more relevant. While US taxes and regulation will go up, Biden will still have to win over the Midwestern Rust Belt voter through trade protectionism, a la Trump and Bernie. This will be exacerbated by the pandemic, which has supercharged American popular enmity toward China and fear of supply chain vulnerability toward China. When Biden reveals that he is protectionist too, US equities will react negatively. Second, more immediately, the clash with China may happen much sooner. As President Trump comes to realize he is losing his grip on power, he will have an incentive to retaliate against China for its mishandling of the pandemic, shift the blame, and achieve long-term strategic objectives as well. This makes Trump’s approval rating a critical indicator – not only of his reelection odds, but of whether he determines he has lost and therefore adopts more belligerent foreign or trade policy. We view the danger zone as anything less than 43%. If Trump becomes a lame duck, he could target China, or other countries, such as Venezuela. The advantage of the latter is that it could have the desired political effect without threatening the economic restart. A conflict with Iran would have bigger consequences – particularly negative for Europe. But in the COVID-19 context, Venezuela and Iran are not relevant to American voters. A conflict with North Korea, however, is part of the strategic conflict with China and would be hard to keep separate from broader tensions. This is only likely if Kim Jong Un stages a major provocation. At present, Washington and Beijing are keeping a lid on tensions. Presidents Trump and Xi are in communication. Beijing has rebuked the foreign minister who accused the US military of bringing COVID-19 to Wuhan. Trump has stopped using inflammatory rhetoric about the “Chinese virus.” China is not depreciating the renminbi, it is upholding other aspects of the trade deal, and it is sending face masks and ventilators to assist the US with the health crisis. But this could change. With its economy under extreme pressure, Beijing must take greater moves to stimulate. An obvious victim will be the renminbi, which is arguably stronger than it should be, especially if China cuts interest rates further, no doubt in great part because of the “phase one” trade deal with the United States (Chart 10). If and when Beijing decides that it must ease the downward pressure on exports and the economy, the renminbi will slide. This will provoke Trump. If he is convinced he cannot salvage the economy anyway, then he has an incentive to channel American anger toward China into new punitive measures over currency manipulation. Finally, the ingredients for our “Taiwan black swan” scenario are falling into place. Taiwan has long attempted to gain representation in the World Health Organization but has been blocked by Beijing’s assertion of the One China principle. However, Taiwan is now caught in an escalating tussle with the WHO leadership that involves both Washington and Beijing. Taipei warned the WHO as early as December that COVID-19 could be transmitted by humans and that the pandemic risk was high.4 Both China and the WHO leadership are simultaneously under pressure from the Trump administration for failing to share information and sound the alarm to prepare other nations. Bottom Line: If President Trump decides to prosecute China for its handling of the virus, and/or promote US-Taiwan relations in a way that aggravates China, then the trigger for a major geopolitical incident will have arrived. Investment Implications It is impossible to predict the precise catalyst or timing of such a crisis. We observe that the US and China are each experiencing historic economic dislocation, their strategic relationship has broken down over the past decade, and their populations are incensed at each other over grievances relating to the trade war, COVID-19, and various disinformation campaigns. Taiwan is at the epicenter of this conflict, due to its defense relationship with the United States and renewed political tensions with China under Xi Jinping. But the Chinese tech sector, North Korea, the South and East China Seas, Xinjiang, and Iran are also potential catalysts. Geopolitics is the other shoe to drop in the wake of COVID-19. Presidents Trump and Xi Jinping are the biggest sources of geopolitical risk, as we outlined in our 2020 forecast. They are cooperating in the immediate crisis, but in the aftermath there will be recriminations. A worsening domestic situation, a loss of prestige for either leader, or a foreign policy provocation could trigger punitive measures, saber rattling, or even military incidents. Risk assets are rallying on the light at the end of the tunnel. We are reaching and in some countries passing the peak intensity of the (first wave of the) pandemic. But the economic aftermath is extremely uncertain and the political fallout has hardly begun. In the US, the implication is clearly negative for Trump. But if that implication is realized, it points to much higher geopolitical risks within 2020 than are currently being considered as the world focuses on the virus. If President Trump chooses to wag the dog with Venezuela, that is obviously a much more positive outcome for global risk assets than if he attempts to achieve American strategic objectives of curbing China’s global assertiveness. Tactically, we remain defensive and recommend defensive US equity sectors and the Japanese yen. On a 12-month and beyond time frame we are more bullish on global growth and are long gold and oil. We remain strategically short CNY-USD and short Taiwanese equities relative to Korean.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com   Appendix Appendix TableThe Global Fiscal Stimulus Response To COVID-19 Geopolitics Is The Next Shoe To Drop Geopolitics Is The Next Shoe To Drop Footnotes 1 Given that one of Iran’s top health officials has criticized China for its questionable data and lack of transparency, one does not need to trust the US Intelligence Community’s assessment that China misled the world in the early days of the outbreak. See Matthew Petti, "Even Iran Doesn't Believe China's Coronavirus Stats," April 6, 2020. 2 Readers accustomed to the apocalyptic view of the US health system may wonder that the US comes out looking very well on health capacity. This is because we combine and standardize the scores for per capita spending and longevity. However our data also show that the US is inefficient on health: its life expectancy scores are slightly lower than those of the Europeans, yet it spends more per head. 3 See Josh Margolin and James Gordon Meek, "Intelligence report warned of coronavirus crisis as early as November: Sources," ABC News, April 8, 2020, and Maggie Haberman, "Trade Adviser Warned White House in January of Risks of a Pandemic," New York Times, April 6, 2020. 4 See "Taiwan says WHO failed to act on coronavirus transmission warning," Financial Times, March 19, 2020.