Economy

Executive Summary Biden Can Take Risks Ahead Of Midterms News reports suggest House Speaker Nancy Pelosi will travel to Taiwan and meet with Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen in the coming days. China has promised military counter-measures if she visits. Structural factors suggest US-China tensions over Taiwan could explode: China’s reversion to autocracy and hawkish foreign policy, Taiwan’s assertion of autonomy, and the US’s political instability and foreign policy reactiveness. Cyclical factors also suggest that tensions could escalate: China’s instability in the wake of Covid-19, the ramifications of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the budding Russo-Chinese alliance, the Biden administration’s domestic political vulnerability, and the Xi administration’s domestic political vulnerability. In particular, Xi cannot back down. A diplomatic crisis or military showdown is likely in the short run but not yet a full-scale war. Taiwan is harder to invade than Ukraine, the US is not attempting a radical boost to Taiwan’s military, Taiwan is not moving toward formal independence, and the Chinese economy is not yet collapsing beyond all hope. However, over the long run we fear that a Taiwan war is more likely than not. Tactically investors should prefer government bonds to equities, US equities to global, defensive sectors to cyclicals, and safe havens to risky assets. Investors should short Chinese and Taiwanese currencies and assets. Tactical Recommendation Inception Date Return LONG US SEMICONDUCTOR & SEMI EQUIPMENT / TAIWAN EQUITIES 2022-06-23 14.6% LONG KOREA/ SHORT TAIWAN EQUITIES 2020-03-27 -23.5% Bottom Line: Tactically investors should buy safe-haven assets and await a resolution of the US-China confrontation over Taiwan, which could cause a dramatic escalation in strategic tensions. Feature A fourth Taiwan Strait crisis is likely upon us. Speaker of the US House of Representatives Nancy Pelosi will visit Taiwan during her travel around Asia Pacific this week, according to the Wall Street Journal on August 1. Chinese President Xi Jinping warned US President Joe Biden in a phone conversation on July 28 that “those who play with fire will eventually get burned,” referring specifically to US relations with Taiwan. Chinese foreign ministry officials have threatened “forceful” countermeasures if Pelosi visits the island, explicitly saying that the People’s Liberation Army would respond in some way.   There is still some uncertainty over whether Pelosi will go. She delayed the trip in April. Rumors emerged over July that she would resume but President Joe Biden suggested on July 20 that US military officials opposed the trip, believed the timing to be inappropriate. Taiwan was not mentioned in Pelosi’s official itinerary published on July 31, which includes Singapore, Japan, South Korea, and Malaysia. But the Wall Street Journal report has been corroborated by US and Taiwanese officials. Assuming Pelosi goes, China will respond with some military show of force. The US may pretend that one hand (the White House, the Department of Defense) does not know what the other hand is doing (the House of Representatives). But China will not be convinced. There are three major reasons that we have predicted a fourth Taiwan Strait crisis: 1.   China’s reversion to autocracy and foreign policy hawkishness: After the Great Recession, China was forced into a painful downshift in potential economic growth, stemming from a contracting labor force, excessive debt, and changes in the international economy (Chart 1). As economic growth has slowed, China has pursued political centralization, economic mercantilism, military modernization, and foreign policy assertiveness, offering nationalism as a distraction from the disappointments of the new middle class. While China may not be ready to launch a full-scale invasion of Taiwan, it is willing to do so if the Communist Party regime’s survival is at stake. Chart 1China's Slowdown Leads To Hawkishness 2.   Taiwan’s reassertion of autonomy: Taiwanese people began to sour on mainland China with the Great Recession and increasingly developed an independent identity (Chart 2). China’s growing economic influence, combined with Xi Jinping’s re-centralization of power across Greater China, provoked a backlash in Taiwan beginning in 2013 that culminated in the nominally pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party gaining full control of the island in 2016. The US-China trade war, China’s imposition of control over critical buffer spaces (including the South China Sea and Hong Kong), and US export controls on advanced technologies thrust Taiwan into the middle of a strategic confrontation. While Taiwan is not seeking war or formal political independence, it is seeking closer ties with the US and democratic allies to protect against Beijing’s encroachment.     3.   US political instability and foreign policy reaction: The Great Recession brought the US’s latent political instability from a simmer to a boil. The Washington establishment withdrew from the war on terrorism only to face discontent at home and strategic competition from China and Russia. China intensified its acquisition of US technology while North Korea obtained a nuclear arsenal under China’s watch. A surge in populism led the US to initiate a trade war against China and to impose restrictions on critical technologies to slow China’s modernization. While the US political factions bickered over domestic policy, they both tapped into a popular consensus on economic nationalism and hawkishness toward China (Chart 3). While the US is struggling to curb Russia and Iran, its greatest long-term challenge stems from China and it is increasingly focused on containing China’s economy and strategic ambitions. Chart 2Taiwanese Souring On China Chart 3US Hawkish Consensus On China In addition, there are important cyclical reasons why investors should take very seriously the risk of a major geopolitical crisis emanating from Taiwan in the short run: The Covid-19 pandemic intensified US (and global) distrust of China and accelerated the divorce of the US and Chinese economies. It also threw the Chinese economy into a downward spin, threatening Xi Jinping’s personal security and the Communist Party’s regime security. Hypo-globalization reduces critical economic constraints on military conflict. The Ukraine war highlighted the willingness of ambitious strongman regimes to go to war to prevent neighboring countries from allying with the United States. Taiwan is critical to Chinese security just as Ukraine is critical to Russian. Taiwan, like Ukraine, lacks a mutual defense treaty with the US and yet is attempting to create a de facto treaty through political, economic, and military cooperation – a scenario that will incentivize Chinese military action if it ever believes the US will take irrevocable steps to increase its commitment to defend Taiwan. At the same time, the US will try to deter China more effectively, since its deterrence failed in the case of Ukraine, which entails upgrading the Taiwanese relationship. Hence China will feel threatened and accuse the US of altering the status quo. Russo-Chinese alliance prevents US-China reengagement. Russia threw itself into China’s arms by cutting off natural gas to Europe. China cannot reject Russia’s overture because it needs Russia’s alliance to break through American strategic containment in the coming years. China needs Russia’s natural resources and its cooperation in gaining economic access to Central Asia and the Middle East. The US cannot pursue strategic détente with China if China is allying with Russia, since a Russo-Chinese alliance poses an unprecedented threat to American global influence and security (Chart 4). The Democratic Party is desperate to mitigate looming election losses. President Biden’s approval rating has fallen to 39%, while headline inflation hits 9% and the economy slips into a technical recession. The Republican Party is lined up for a victory in the midterm elections, yet Democrats view the populist Republicans as an existential threat. Hence Biden and Democratic leaders like Pelosi are willing to take significant risks to salvage the election, including provoking foreign rivals. The administration is contemplating tougher export controls on China’s access to semiconductor manufacturing equipment and Congress is passing bipartisan legislation to make the US more competitive against China. Any major confrontation abroad would generate a patriotic rally among voters, as did the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962, which saved the Democrats from heavy losses in the midterms that year (Chart 5). China’s domestic politics support a foreign confrontation. As Xi attempts to cement another five-to-ten years in power at the twentieth national party congress this fall, the pandemic restrictions, political repression, property bust, and economic slowdown ensure that he has little good news to celebrate at home. He could benefit from taking an aggressive stance against the imperialist Americans over Taiwan – and he cannot afford to back down or lose face. Ultimately China’s regime legitimacy is at stake in Taiwan so it is willing to take greater risks than the United States.   Chart 4US Cannot Engage With Russo-Chinese Behemoth Chart 5Biden Can Take Risks Ahead Of Midterms All of the above demonstrates that investors should not be complacent but should take risk off the table until the Pelosi trip blows over. A major diplomatic or geopolitical crisis will occur if Pelosi indeed visits Taiwan, for China will be required to react to uphold the credibility of its warnings, and Beijing will have a national and political interest in overreacting rather than underreacting. The Americans will then have a national and political interest in preserving their own credibility. This dynamic could lead to a major escalation in strategic tensions. Could a crisis lead to full-scale war? Yes it could but most likely it will not – at least not yet. Here are some important limitations, which investors should monitor closely. If these are reduced or overcome, then a larger conflict becomes more probable: Taiwan is harder to invade than Ukraine. Taiwan is an island and islands that are politically unified can only be subdued with enormous cost of blood and treasure even by the most powerful armies. Taiwan is critical to the global economy, unlike Ukraine. While it lacks defense treaties, it has stronger strategic partnerships than Ukraine did. The Chinese military has not fought an expeditionary war since Vietnam in 1979. The US sent aircraft carriers to the Taiwan Strait in each of the previous three crises since the 1950s, signaling that it is willing to defend Taiwan, and currently has at least two aircraft carriers in Asia Pacific (Map 1). China needs to be prepared for potential American and Japanese intervention if it is to attack Taiwan, which requires an advanced triad of nuclear arms.    Map 1US Aircraft Carriers Suggest Taiwan Risk Is Substantial The US is not sending any game-changing offensive weapon systems. Instead the US is sending a mere politician. China opposes anything resembling state-to-state relations but Taiwan’s defensive capability would not be improved. Hence China would not be forced to take aggressive military action. Instead China is attempting to set a very low bar for intervening in US-Taiwan political relations. Beijing can intervene in a way that enforces the new line but remains beneath the threshold of war. Going forward, US arms sales to Taiwan will be a much riskier affair and the delivery of a weapons system could trigger conflict (Chart 6). Chinese economy is not (yet) beyond help. China still has authoritarian powers to manipulate the domestic economy, suggesting that policy makers will intervene to slow down the property bust and stimulate activity. After Xi Jinping consolidates power, we expect a pro-growth strategy to be unveiled that will lead to a stabilization of growth in 2023. This is necessary for Xi to maintain domestic stability, which is existential to the regime and its long-term security. If stimulus and interventions fail utterly and China collapses into a full-blown financial crisis, then China will lose the ability to improve its security over the long run and the risk of conflict with foreign powers will rise. But as long as China’s economy is not collapsing, China maintains the prospect of building its influence and power over time and conquering Taiwan through absorption rather than extremely risky armed conflict (Chart 7). Chart 6US Arms Sales Could Trigger A Real Conflict Chart 7More Economic Stimulus Is Coming Taiwan is not moving toward formal independence. The Tsai Ing-wen administration is nominally in favor of independence but has chosen rhetorical sleight of hand over any formal change to Taiwan’s status. Taiwanese people support the status quo knowing that they will live in a war zone if they declare independence. The long-term problem stems from the fact that a clear majority opposes unification with the mainland (Chart 8). Taiwan and the US face elections in 2022 and 2024. If the Kuomintang stages a comeback in Taiwanese politics, or the Democrats win reelection in 2024, then China still has the ability to pursue its aims through diplomacy. Whereas if the Democratic Progressive Party remains in full control of Taiwan, and the Republicans regain the White House, Beijing may conclude that little can be gained through diplomacy. Especially if these US and Taiwanese parties proceed to press their interests aggressively. Chart 8Taiwanese Not Declaring Independence Hence the most likely outcome if Pelosi visits Taiwan is a US-China geopolitical crisis of some sort but not a full-scale war. A crisis short of war could establish a new set of red lines over Taiwan that could govern the US-China relationship in the medium term with reduced uncertainty. But it would bring very bad news in the short run and lead to a permanent deterioration in US-China relations and global stability over the long run, which markets must price first.   Bottom Line: Tactically investors should prefer government bonds to equities, US equities to global, defensive sectors to cyclicals, and safe havens to risky assets. Stay short Chinese and Taiwanese currencies and assets. While semiconductor stocks stand at risk, investors should favor US semiconductor companies over Chinese and Taiwanese (Chart 9). Chart 9Investors Should Seek Safe Havens Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com   Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix

Dear client, There will be no regular bulletin from the European Investment Strategy team next week to allow us to take some time off. We will return to our regular publishing schedule on August 15, 2022. Kind regards, The European Investment Strategy team   Executive Summary Global Headwinds For Europe Ahead of our summer break, we review our EIS main themes for the remainder of the year. We expect European growth to be poor in the latter half of 2022, but a recession toward the new year will be shallow. European inflation is set to crest in the fall. While the ECB will only modestly underwhelm the current €STR curve pricing, the TPI will be activated. European equities have entered a bottoming process, but cyclicals will continue to underperform defensive equities in the short-term. European investment grade credit is more attractive than local equities and US investment grade debt. The euro is also in a bottoming process, but near-term downside risk remains considerable. Bottom Line: European stocks are in the process of forming a bottom; yet, the economic softness will prevent cyclical shares from outperforming their defensive counterparts. Additionally, European IG debt offers more attractive risk-adjusted returns than equities in the near-term. Finally, the euro still faces potent front-loaded headwinds, despite a seductive long-term outlook.   The month of August is starting, which often corresponds to a period of lower volumes on the markets, since a large percentage of the financial industry goes on vacation for the summer. This year, those vacations are even more merited than usual, as the first seven months of the year have been particularly tumultuous. Chart 1Deteriorating European Growth So far, the European economy has experienced a rare set of consecutive shocks. First, inflation has jumped to its highest level since the euro was introduced 23 years ago. This inflationary shock, however, does not reflect booming demand, as it is accompanied by a sharp economic growth slowdown and thus has a strong connotation of stagflation. PMIs have fallen below the 50 boom/bust line and the growth expectations component of the Ifo survey is now firmly at recessionary levels (Chart 1). Ultimately, what Europe faces is an inward shift in the supply curve caused by a sudden curtailment of energy flows from Russia. Chart 2A Tough First Half of 2022 Second, and largely because of this inflationary shock, the policy backdrop is in upheaval. On July 21, 2022, the ECB increased interest rates for the first time in eleven years and delivered its first 50 bps hike in more than two decades. At last, negative interest rates are not the determinant feature of Eurozone rates. Yet, despite the end of this longstanding policy distortion, the euro cannot catch a break and has tested parity. Meanwhile, German yields hit 1.9% in June, inflicting a YTD loss of 13% on their holders, and Italian spreads have blown up, raising the specter of financial fragmentation in Europe (Chart 2). Third, the environment has also been rough for equity investors. The pan-European Euro STOXX and the Eurozone Euro STOXX 50 have entered into bear markets, falling 23% and 24% respectively from their January 5 peak to their trough on July 5, 2022 (Chart 2, bottom panel). At this juncture, we will review our main themes for the remainder of the year, which also gives us an opportunity to align our recommendations with our core views.  Key Views For The Remainder Of The Year We continue to expect European growth in the latter half of the year to be weak, probably around 0%. Too many hurdles are mounting. We continue to witness signs that global growth is deteriorating. The slowdown in manufacturing activity is not a phenomenon unique to Europe. Global inventories are rising in the manufacturing and retail sectors, which is likely to reduce global industrial production in the coming quarters. As a result, global trade and European exports are set to weaken further (Chart 3). Moreover, the global credit impulse is contracting rapidly in response to tightening monetary conditions. This, too, will weigh on global trade, and thus, on export-oriented nations like Europe. Chart 3Global Headwinds For Europe Chart 4Households Aren't Alright Inside Europe, the household sector’s malaise is deepening further, as highlighted by crashing consumer confidence (Chart 4). This degeneration reflects the hit to real income caused by elevated inflation, but it has been compounded by rising borrowing costs and falling financial asset prices. Chart 5Running Out Of Gas Meanwhile, the risks from the energy market remain most salient and could even force a contraction in output somewhere between Q4 2022 and Q1 2023. Russian natural gas flows are minimal and are unlikely to rebound enough to allow for the hoped-for build-up in natural gas inventories by the winter (Chart 5). As a result, to keep the lights on, European countries will have to rely on a combination of coal power and energy cuts. Nonetheless, BCA’s commodity and energy strategists estimate that the 14GW of coal-fired generation capacity announced so far and the 15% cut in demand pushed by the European Commission will allow Europe to limp along this winter and avoid the nightmare scenarios delineated by the Bundesbank four months ago.   Ultimately, we expect European economic activity to rebound rapidly in the second quarter of 2023. European governments will not sit idly by when their economies are suffering from a major drag caused by a conflict. Households and the sectors that will be most affected by energy rationing (industrials, such as chemicals and cement) will receive help. Thus, fiscal policy will remain accommodative. Moreover, any production curtailed during the winter will be postponed, which means that activity will likely rebound sharply once the weather warms up. On the inflation front, we continue to see a peak in inflation in the coming months. Commodity inflation is peaking and supply-side constraints are ebbing, which will lessen overall inflation (Chart 6). Additionally, the current weakening demand in Europe, tighter financial conditions, and slowing money supply growth are all consistent with a slowdown in inflation (Chart 7). Chart 6Weaker Commodity Inflation Chart 7Domestic Conditions Becoming Disinflationary Regarding monetary policy, the ECB wants to hike — and hike it will. Our base case scenario calls for a 50bps hike in September, but risks are skewed to the downside because of the weakening economic activity. We also expect two 25bps interest rate increases in October and December, which is somewhat under the €STR curve pricing, but only marginally so (Chart 8). However, we do expect the Transmission Protection Instrument (TPI) to be activated in the fall to facilitate higher policy rates because of the vast difference in r-star between Germany and the periphery.  Chart 8A Tad To High For government bonds, since we foresee a small dovish surprise by the ECB as well as lower inflation, we anticipate slightly more downside for German Bund yields for the rest of the year. Italian government bonds remain risky in the near-term as market participants test the ECB’s resolve regarding the TPI and Italian politics remain in a state of flux. However, the eventual ECB purchases render them an attractive bet in medium- to long-term portfolios. Despite the slowdown in activity, European equities have already entered a bottoming process. They are cheap and their multiples are already consistent with deep stagflation fears (Chart 9, top panel). Moreover, earnings revisions are already contracting (Chart 9, bottom panel). The collapse in the euro, however, is providing a potent counterweight to economic weaknesses and is allowing European firms to beat analyst expectations. This positive view on the aggregate stock level does not translate yet into an overweight stance on cyclical equities versus defensive ones. Lower inflation and potentially lower global yields help defensive stocks, not cyclical ones. Meanwhile, the Chinese economy continues to struggle with the impact of Beijing’s zero-COVID policy and the disarray in the housing market. These forces suggest that European cyclicals could suffer further underperformance in the coming months (Chart 10), especially if European activity and global trade remain under stress. Additionally, the risks caused by the energy market will continue to warrant a discount in European cyclical equities. Chart 9The Bottoming Process For Stock Has Begun Chart 10Cyclicals Are Still Handicapped Chart 11IG Prices In A Recession Already European credit, especially investment-grade corporate, offers more appealing risk-adjusted returns than equities. Valuations in the IG space are clearly discounting a severe recession, with the 12-month breakeven spreads in their 80th historical percentile (Chart 11). Meanwhile, the combination of shallower than-once-feared recession with continued fiscal support and further ECB buying will help spreads narrow. As a result, we continue to favor IG to increase risk exposure in Europe. We also favor European IG debt over their US counterparts, especially on a USD hedge basis. The euro remains at a complex juncture. As we wrote three weeks ago, EUR/USD is increasingly attractive for long-term holders. It is cheap and a turnaround in growth next year will help this pro-cyclical currency. However, in the near-term, the euro must cope with the negative impact of China’s growth weakness, Europe’s more pronounced recession risk relative to the US, and the evolving threat of a severe energy crunch. As a result, we continue to see a very fat left tail in EUR/USD in the near-term and prefer the CHF to other European currencies as a vehicle to garner exposure to Europe. Bottom Line: European growth will remain challenged in the near-term, but a severe recession will be avoided. With inflation also peaking this fall, European stocks are in the process of forming a bottom; yet, economic softness will prevent cyclical shares from outperforming their defensive counterparts. Additionally, European IG debt offers more attractive risk-adjusted returns than equities in the near-term. Finally, the euro still faces potent front-loaded headwinds, despite a seductive long-term outlook. Consequently, investors should favor the CHF to gain exposure to European currencies. House Cleaning We take this opportunity to restate our view for the remainder of the year, and to clean up our recommendation and focus on those most aligned with the aforementioned views. The trades from our rotation framework are not impacted, as they are not linked to our key views. Tactical Trades We keep the following tactical trades on the books: Neutral stance on cyclicals relative to defensives: This trade is aligned with our worries that weak global growth will continue to hurt the performance of cyclical equities. Long German / short Italian industrials: This is an uncorrelated trade that benefits from the extreme valuation discount of German industrials relative to their southern counterparts. Moreover, the German economy is faring better than that of Italy, while German financial and monetary conditions are looser than those in Italy. Long Swiss equities / short Eurozone defensives: This is another uncorrelated trade. Swiss stocks are pricey and defensive. However, they are less exposed to the energy rationing this winter than their Eurozone counterparts. Moreover, this position is an implicit bet on a weaker EUR/CHF. Long / short basket based on Combined Mechanical Valuation Indicator: This is another uncorrelated trade, based strictly on the most extreme signals from our CMVI methodology. It is a risk averse approach that focuses on buying assets discounting the worst outcome and buying those pricing in some excessively optimistic scenarios. Short European tech firms / long European healthcare shares: This is a defensive trade that seeks to avoid taking a directional bet on the performance of high duration stocks relative to the market. It corresponds to our worry about cyclicals relative to defensives Combined Mechanical Valuation Indicator Top 20: This position is similar to our country-selected CMVI trade, but here, it picks the most extreme signals in terms of valuation among 2,000+ sectoral trades across nine European countries. Short European consumer discretionary / long telecom services: This is another defensive trade that is supported by valuations and that benefits from the negative impact on real household income of inflation. It will also gain if energy prices additionally increase and further hurt discretionary spending. Overweight Spanish and Italian bonds: This position has now become a cyclical bet. Italian and Spanish bonds could suffer some additional near-term volatility; however, the upcoming activation of the ECB’s TPI will cause these spreads to widen, offering investors the opportunity to enjoy a much higher yield than Bunds and capital gains as well. Long Eurozone Investment Grade corporate: We are moving this position to become a cyclical trade. It is a direct bet on our positive stance on European IG corporates. Sell EUR/JPY: This trade is a play on the near-term downside risk to the euro. Cyclical Trades: We keep the following cyclical trades on the books: Underweight French consumer discretionary stocks relative to the French equity benchmark: The overbought and expensive status of the entire French stock benchmark comes from the consumer discretionary sector. These stocks are treated as growth stocks; however, the decline in global consumer confidence is historically associated with a vanishing premium for this sector. Long Swedish Industrials / short Eurozone and US industrials: This is a sector neutral trade that avoids overexposure to cyclicals. Instead, it takes advantage of the fact that Swedish industrials have a higher return on assets and profit margins than that of their competitors in the Eurozone and the US. Moreover, the SEK is particularly cheap, which boosts the competitiveness of Swedish industrial equities. Favor Eurozone aerospace & defense stocks relative to the benchmark: Defense stocks are our favorite sector at the moment. They benefit from both European re-armament and from the need for power projection in a multipolar world. Favor Eurozone aerospace & defense stocks relative to industrials: Industrials are likely to see their valuation premium diminish once inflation recedes. They currently trade as an inflation hedge because of their comparatively robust pricing power. Meanwhile, defense equities benefit from the structural tailwind described above. Favor Spanish over Italian equities: Spain’s competitiveness has improved considerably relative to the rest of the Eurozone, notably relative to Italy. Importantly, Spain’s political risk is currently lower than that of Italy. Underweight German Bunds within European fixed-income portfolios: This trade is similar to our overweight stance on Italian and Spanish bonds. Overweight Gilts within European fixed-income portfolios: The British economy is weak, which constraints the ability of the BoE to push up rates as much as what is priced into the SONIA curve. Short EUR/SEK: This trade is being move to a structural position. The Swedish economy is more cyclical than that of Europe, but Sweden is less at risk than the Eurozone from Russia’s energy curtailments. Moreover, Swedish returns on assets are superior to those of the Euro Area, which is positive for the currency on a long-term basis. Mathieu Savary, Chief European Strategist Mathieu@bcaresearch.com Tactical Recommendations Cyclical Recommendations Structural Recommendations

Executive Summary Reporters at last week’s post-FOMC press conference were consumed by the prospect of a recession. Their questions about the economy echoed the analysts’ on bank earnings calls and Chair Powell’s answers echoed the CEOs’ and the CFOs’: while it has clearly slowed, it remains stronger than it would be in a recession. Although the Econ 101 definition of a recession – two or more quarters of contracting real GDP – is embedded in the public’s mind, the NBER’s recession criteria are more involved and do not appear as if they have yet been met. With a little over half of index constituents (~70% of market cap) having reported, S&P 500 earnings have surprised to the upside. Despite a rampaging dollar and a sharp backup in corporate bond yields, margins are down less than 60 basis points from 2Q21 and are unchanged from 1Q22. We are constructive on equities and credit over a three-to-twelve-month timeframe because we believe markets have priced in the impact of the next recession too soon. We expect the Fed will eventually induce a recession, but not for at least another year. Earnings Haven't Stumbled Yet Bottom Line: Continue to overweight equities in multi-asset portfolios with a twelve-month timeframe because markets have gotten ahead of themselves by selling off so sharply. A recession will not arrive before underweight investors judged on their relative quarterly performance are forced back into stocks. Feature And we thought investors were preoccupied with recession. The questions sell-side analysts asked on big bank earnings calls in mid-July revealed that the shadow of a recession loomed large in their institutional investor clients’ minds. The questions markets and economics reporters asked Chair Powell at his post-FOMC meeting press conference last week demonstrated that the media is positively obsessed with it. If it bleeds, it leads is no longer just the local TV newscast’s mantra. We have been trying to steer the discussion away from are-we-or-aren’t-we toward questions that we think are more productive for investors. How bad will the next downturn be? What is its current estimated time of arrival? Have markets under or overreacted to our best guess about severity and ETA, assuming the marginal price setter has a timeframe of twelve months or less? Are-we-or-aren’t-we is manifestly Topic A in the financial and general media, however, so the body of this week’s report is given over to why we think we are neither in a recession nor on the cusp of one. We will turn to financial markets and investment strategy in the concluding section. What Is A Recession? In Econ 101 three-plus decades ago, I learned that a recession was defined as back-to-back quarters of economic contraction as measured by real GDP. For all the time that has passed since, I remember that definition clearly. Apparently other graduates do, too, and the definition taught in central Virginia was the standard in Economics departments across the nation. Alas, life is more complicated than it seemed in those halcyon student days. Business cycle inflections are not always apparent to the naked eye and the NBER’s Business Cycle Dating Committee has been tasked with assessing when downturns are sufficiently deep, diffuse and persistent to constitute a recession. The committee monitors a broad range of indicators and moves deliberately, announcing its determinations only after enough subsequent data have arrived to support its assessment of peaks and troughs. For the six recessions since 1980, the committee has announced cycle peaks with an average lag of seven months and cycle troughs with an average lag of fifteen months (Table 1). Table 1Long And Variable Lags Equity and credit portfolio managers and analysts spend a lot more time on corporate earnings than GDP, so the recession debate would seem to be of interest mainly within the ivory towers of academia, think tanks and the bureaucracy. The topic is relevant for investors, however, because equity bear markets tend to coincide with recessions. As bear markets (Chart 1, light red shading) typically begin before NBER-designated recessions (gray shading) and always end before them, it is worth investors’ time to try to anticipate their onset. Since a significant portion of bear market drawdowns occur after the recession is deemed to have started, there is also value in the humbler (and more attainable) aim of recognizing a recession once it’s begun. Chart 1Bear Markets And Recessions Tend To Travel Together So Has It Begun? At the risk of sounding like Jay Powell before a skeptical pool of reporters, we do not think the economy is in a recession, primarily because the labor market is so strong. Recessions always follow one-third percentage-point increases in the three-month moving average of the unemployment rate, but it has yet to begin moving upward (Chart 2). Leading indicators like small business hiring intentions (Chart 3, second panel), temporary employment (Chart 3, third panel) and initial jobless claims (Chart 3, bottom panel) point to continued payroll expansion (Chart 3, top panel). The economy is unquestionably slowing, and labor demand will slow with it, but the record backlog of job openings (Chart 4, top panel) and unabated stream of job quits (Chart 4, bottom panel) suggest that the labor market has a sizable cushion that will allow it to endure a few blows. Chart 2Unemployment Has Not Turned Yet Chart 3The Employment Outlook Is Still Good ...​​​​​ Chart 4... As There Is Still A Shortage Of Workers Like Chair Powell, we would venture that the labor market’s cushion extends to the overall economy. We believe that households’ excess pandemic savings will buffer the largest component of aggregate demand from inflation pressures, though the eventual fate of those savings is hotly debated within BCA. Related Report  US Investment StrategyA Difference Of Opinion We expect that a meaningful share of the $2 trillion-plus that households have amassed will eventually be spent; our Counterpoint team does not. The matter is not yet settled, but we are encouraged that the savings rate dipped below its February 2020 level of 8.3% in the fourth quarter and has been less than 6% every month this year, reaching a low of 5.1% in June. If the savings rate is mean-reverting, and if households don’t circle the wagons en masse as they might if recession prophecies become self-fulfilling, households have quite a bit of catching up to do (Chart 5). If consumption continues to lead business investment in line with the empirical record, fixed investment should be able to keep its head above water. Even a downshift in consumption and investment ought to be enough to offset the modest fiscal drag that may ensue if gridlock becomes even more constraining after November’s elections, as our US Political Strategy colleagues expect, and keep the expansion going for a few more quarters. Chart 5These Squirrels Have Stored Up A Lot Of Nuts For The Winter Okay, But What About Earnings? S&P 500 earnings are where the rubber meets the road for investors. Befitting the one-step-forward, one-step-back course the macro data releases have followed, second quarter earnings have been mixed.1 In the aggregate, however, they’ve been solid, with the 56% of index constituents (~70% of market cap) that have reported so far beating earnings expectations by 5.2%. That’s in line with the typical underpromise-and-overdeliver earnings season theater but feels like a reprieve for investors who’ve been subjected to a steady drumbeat of recession talk. Profit margins have narrowed – earnings per share have grown 7.7% year over year, well shy of revenue per share’s 12.1% growth – but by less than expected, as the 5.2% earnings surprise has swamped the 1.6% revenue surprise. S&P 500 operating profit margins observed a tight range after the crisis before jumping by more than a percentage point when the top marginal corporate tax rate was lowered beginning in 2018 (Chart 6). They then made another percentage-point leap in 2021, as companies seemed to find another efficiency gear as they adjusted to the pandemic. The reasons for the pandemic leap aren’t clear – shrinking office footprints, lower utility bills and reduced travel and entertainment don’t seem like candidates to move the needle so far on their own – but according to Refinitiv, the owner of I/B/E/S, the definitive source for earnings estimates, it has persisted through the first two quarters of 2022.2 The contraction in real compensation since 2021 (Chart 7, second panel) has likely been the primary driver, but the backup in corporate bond yields (Chart 7, third panel) and the surging dollar (Chart 7, bottom panel) have been margin headwinds so far this year. Chart 6Profit Margins Remain Elevated Chart 7Falling Real Wages Have Been Great For Margins We expect that the interest expense and currency translation headwinds will largely disappear in the second half, leaving real wages as the critical swing factor. Our benign take on wages (from employers’ perspective) is not unanimously held within BCA and could be a crucial determinant of our more bullish recommendations’ outcome. Our view is predicated on an analysis of US labor relations history positing that employers have achieved formidable structural advantages over employees that cannot be unwound by a few years of a cyclical boost and one term of the determinedly labor-friendly Biden administration. Our interpretation runs counter to the prevailing view but we believe it is well supported and can provide a lengthy source bibliography for those inclined to check our work. Investment Implications There are no absolutes in financial markets. No asset is good or bad in itself; its merit is solely a function of its relative probability-adjusted risk-reward profile. The recession debate doesn’t matter much in itself; the key is whether this year’s market declines have gone too far in pricing in the severity, breadth, duration and proximity of the next downturn. We add proximity to the list of the NBER’s criteria because it is a critically important factor when most professional money managers, who exert outsize influence in setting prices, are judged on their relative quarterly and annual performance. We are not perma-bulls or attention-seekers. We are more bullish than our colleagues and the investor consensus purely because we think the equity market has gone too far in discounting the impact of a recession that we estimate will not begin before the second half of 2023 and may not be particularly deep in the absence of imbalances that make the real economy vulnerable to a metastasizing downturn. Inflation pressures have not been building unopposed across four presidencies (LBJ through Carter) while corporate management teams nearly indifferent to shareholder interests rolled over at the feet of the UAW and other formerly potent labor unions, entrenching the wage-price spiral. The Powell Fed has begun to hike the funds rate aggressively, but it will not have to smother the economy like the Volcker Fed to round up a fugitive inflation genie and force it back into the bottle. Chart 8It Is Not A Spiral When Prices Rout Wages Levered capital has not been cascading into commercial real estate for better than a decade to exploit tax loopholes which were closed by the 1986 Tax Act, leaving savings and loans holding the bag and imperiling a sizable swath of the banking system. Stocks are expensive and there are plenty of pockets of silliness, but financial markets have not replayed the dot-com mania, no matter how promiscuously the term "bubble" is applied or how thoroughly the post-crisis rise in asset values has driven Austrian School devotees up the wall. Malinvestment has not occurred on anything close to the scale of the subprime crisis, when lenders, ratings agencies, regulators, banks and investors collectively failed at their duties, spawning a global crisis. American households have modest debt loads and a mountain of savings. Nonfinancial corporations are well heeled after a frenzy of pandemic debt issuance at laughably favorable terms. The banking system is doubly and triply reinforced with the biggest banks hemmed in by excessive capital requirements and stifling risk limits. The economy is likely to be on a better footing at the start of the next recession than it has been in any of the recessions of the previous 40 years (ex-the flash COVID recession). Although he wouldn’t answer the question directly, we thought Chair Powell made it abundantly clear that the Fed is willing to induce a recession if that’s what it takes to bring inflation to heel. We ultimately think the Fed will have to squash the economy to get inflation back down to its 2% target, but we don’t think it will happen over the timeframe that matters to the institutional investor constituencies that have a huge say in setting marginal prices. That view is at risk if inflation does not show signs of peaking soon or if longer-run inflation expectations rise to uncomfortable levels. For now, neither has happened and the latest run of data did not break one way or the other. Final July long-run inflation expectations of 2.9% from the University of Michigan consumer sentiment survey were down from June’s final 3.1% reading and meaningfully below the 3.3% preliminary June false alarm that jarred the FOMC. The second quarter employment cost index grew by more than 1% for the fourth straight quarter, extending its nominal rise (Chart 8, top panel) even while it continues to contract in real terms (Chart 8, bottom panel). A growth shortfall is a threat as well, though it failed to materialize in second quarter earnings, forcing the S&P 500 to unwind some of the weak growth expectations it had already discounted. If our base-case scenario holds, more such unwinding is in store. Doug Peta, CFA Chief US Investment Strategist dougp@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1      As we worked on this report after Thursday’s market close, Amazon delighted investors, Apple pleased them and Intel, as per a barrons.com headline, “missed by a mile.” 2     Per Standard & Poor’s, the index’s operating margin fell by a percentage point in the first quarter. Though S&P has tended to define operating earnings less favorably than Refinitiv/I/B/E/S, the two series moved together directionally until 1Q22 and only Refinitiv’s data facilitates comparisons between past results and future expectations.

Listen to a short summary of this report.     Executive Summary The Dollar Rises During Recessions At 106.5, the dollar DXY index is certainly pricing in a recession deeper than during the Covid-19 crisis. The dollar tends to rise during recessions and only peaks when a global economic recovery is in sight (Feature Chart). One caveat: contrary to conventional wisdom, US economic data is deteriorating relative to the rest of the world. Historically, that has been a negative for the greenback. The key question facing investors is if markets are entering a riot point. That is a high probability. Historically, high volatility supports the dollar. As such, our recommended stance on the dollar is neutral over the next few months. Our highest conviction bets are short EUR/JPY and long Swiss franc trades. Valuations tend to matter when most investors least expect them to. On this basis, we are negative the dollar on a 12-to-18 month time horizon. Place a limit sell on CHF/SEK at 10.76.   TRADES* INITIATION DATE PERCENT RETURNS Short EUR/JPY 2022-07-21 2.73% Bottom Line: Stand aside on the dollar for now. Continue to opportunistically play trades at the crosses. Short EUR/JPY bets make sense as a volatility hedge.   Chart 1Any Dollar Bears Left? In our conversations with clients, it is rare to find a dollar bear these days. One barometer is price action – the dollar DXY index is up 18% from its 2021 lows. More instructively, net long speculative positions are near a multi-decade high (Chart 1). In our meetings, we sense a specter of capitulation among fundamental dollar bears, as the macroeconomic environment becomes more uncertain. For chart enthusiasts, the DXY index staged a classic breakout, and the next technical level is closer to the 2002 highs near 120. We doubt the DXY index will hit this level, as significant headwinds are building. It is true that as markets increasingly price in the probability of a recession, especially in Europe, the dollar will be bought. But as we argue below, the dollar has already priced in a recession, deeper than was the case in 2020 (or admittedly, at any time since the end of the Bretton Woods system). This suggests that investors with a relatively benign economic backdrop should be fading any strength in the dollar. In other words, if your bet on a recession is low odds, fade dollar strength relatively to your colleagues. As such, our recommended stance on the dollar is neutral over the next few months, but bearish for investors with a longer-term horizon. For today, our highest conviction bets are short EUR/JPY and long Swiss franc trades. The US Dollar And Global Growth Chart 2The Dollar Tracks Global Growth There are many important drivers of the US dollar. One is the path for global growth. If global activity is going to slow meaningfully, then as a countercyclical currency, the dollar tends to rise in that environment. The dollar has been closely correlated (inversely) to the trend in global PMIs, industrial production, and other measures of global growth (Chart 2). Across the world, global growth is slowing (Chart 3). Most manufacturing PMIs in the developed world peaked in the middle of last year. In the developing world, China’s zero Covid-19 policy has nudged many PMIs close to the 50 boom/bust level. As a rule of thumb, you do not want to be short the greenback when global industrial activity is slowing. That is the bull case. Chart 3AGlobal Growth Is Slowing In Developed Markets Chart 3BGrowth Is Also Soft In Emerging Markets The good news for dollar bears is that most of this information is already priced in. Looking back at recessions since the 1970s, the dollar is pricing in one of the most anticipated slowdowns in history (Chart 4). This alone is not a reason to turn bearish on the greenback, but it is a red flag towards the consensus view. In general, currencies are a relative game. The dollar tends to rise 10%-to-15% during recessions. We are already there, with the DXY index up 18% since the 2021 lows. It is also important to gauge how the US is faring relative to the rest of the world. Quite simply, US economy economic activity is deteriorating vis-à-vis its trading partners. This is visible in the Citigroup economic surprise indices, but also via a simple chart of relative PMIs (Chart 5). Historically, that has been a negative for the greenback outside of recessions. Chart 4The Dollar Overshoots During Recessions Chart 5US Economic Momentum Is Deteriorating The US Dollar And Interest Rates The Fed hiked interest rates by 75bps this week. This was as expected but given what the Bank of Canada delivered on July 13th, a 100bps hike was a whisper number in our books. More importantly, interest rate differentials (real and nominal) are increasingly moving against the US. As we go to press, 10-year bond yields are 2.67% in the US, but 2.62% in Canada, 3.41% in New Zealand, and even 3.1% in Australia. Chart 6The Euro And Relative Interest Rates The key point is that the market consensus is centered around the Fed being the most hawkish central bank. That will face a critical test in the next few months, if the world enters a recession. This is especially true in the euro area. The market is pricing that interest rates in the eurozone will be 200bps lower next year, relative to the US (Chart 6). The historical spread between US and German 2-year yields has been 83 bps. If Europe indeed enters a deep recession, then that is already priced in the euro. If we get any green shoots in economic growth, then the euro is poised for a coiled-spring rebound. The market is also pricing in that US interest rates will peak next year, relative to other G10 economies (Chart 7). This could happen in one of two ways: The Fed turns more dovish and/or non-US growth loses steam, leading to lower interest rates outside the US. It is difficult to forecast how the economic scenario will evolve, but from an investor’s standpoint, the dollar has already overshot the level implied by relative interest rates (Chart 8). Chart 7US Short Real Yields Are Attractive Chart 8The Dollar Has Overshot Rate Fundamentals A Short Note On USD Valuations Valuations usually get little respect, especially over the last few years. The bull market in the dollar from 2011 to 2022 coincided with higher real interest rates in the US relative to the rest of the developed world. That said, a rising trade deficit (imports > exports) requires a lower exchange rate to boost competitiveness in the manufacturing sector, or less spending to reduce the trade deficit. Therefore, the natural adjustment mechanism for countries running wide trade deficits will have to be the exchange rate. Quite simply, rising deficits are a symptom of an overvalued exchange rate. Within a broad spectrum of developed and emerging market currencies, the US dollar is overvalued on a real effective exchange rate basis (Chart 9 and 10). While valuations tend to matter less until they trigger a tipping point, such inflections usually occur with a shift in animal spirits, especially when investors start to worry about huge external imbalances. Chart 9The Dollar Is Overvalued Chart 10The Dollar Is One Of The Most Expensive Currencies In the US, these imbalances are already starting to spark a shift. The US trade deficit has deteriorated. The basic balance in the US (the sum of the current account and foreign direct investment) is deteriorating. The dollar tends to decline on a multi-year basis when the basic balance peaks and starts deteriorating. It is remarkable that at a time when real rates are quite negative in the US, the dollar is the most overvalued in decades on a simple PPP model basis. This is a perfect mirror image of the dollar configuration at the start of the bull market in 2010, where the dollar was cheap and real rates were more supportive. According to economic theory, a currency should adjust to equalize returns across countries. In the early 80s, an expensive dollar was supported by very positive real rates. The subsequent dollar declines thereafter also coincided with falling real interest rates. If global growth shifts from relative strength in the US to overseas, interest rate differentials will tilt in favor of non-US markets. That will be solace for dollar bears. Conclusions In financial markets, it pays to be humble but also to be bold. Our recommended stance on the DXY (and by association, the euro and cable) is to stay on the sidelines. Our highest conviction trade is to short EUR/JPY. With the drop in commodity prices, resource-related currencies are becoming interesting, a topic we will discuss in upcoming bulletins. But momentum is your friend for now, which suggests prudence.   Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Strategic View Cyclical Holdings (6-18 months) Tactical Holdings (0-6 months) Limit Orders Forecast Summary

Executive Summary Italy’s right-wing alliance, led by Brothers of Italy, will likely outperform in  the upcoming election. The new government will prioritize the economy, posing a risk to the EU’s united front against Russia. It is conducive to an eventual ceasefire, which is marginally positive for risk assets in 2023. We recommend investors underweight Italian assets on a tactical basis. China’s political risks will remain elevated until Xi consolidates power this fall, positive news will come after, if at all. Geopolitical risk in the Taiwan Strait will remain high and persistent until China and the US reach a new understanding. Separately, we are booking a 9% gain on our long US equities relative to UAE equities trade. Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Tactical Recommendation Inception Date Return LONG US / UAE EQUITIES (CLOSED) 2022-03-11 9.0% Bottom Line: Italy’s political turmoil suggests a more pragmatic policy toward Russia going forward. Europe’s energy cutoff will also motivate governments to negotiate with Russia. Feature In this report we update our GeoRisk Indicators, with a special focus on Italy’s newest political turmoil. Italy Over the past several months, we have argued that Italy was a source of political risk within the European Union and that the market underestimated the probability of an early Italian election. In the past two weeks, this forecast has become a reality (Chart 1). Chart 1Italy: GeoRisk Indicator The grand coalition under Prime Minister Mario Draghi had fulfilled its two main purposes – to distribute EU recovery funds and secure an establishment politician in the Italian presidency. At the same time, headline inflation hit 8.5% in June, the highest since 1986, even as the Italian and global economy slowed down, Italian government bonds sold off, and Russia induced an energy crisis. The stagflationary economic environment is biting hard and the different coalition members are looking to their individual interests ahead of election season. On July 14, Giuseppe Conte, the former prime minister, pulled its populist Five Star Movement (M5S) out of Mario Draghi’s national unity government, triggering a new round of political turmoil in Italy. Draghi’s first resignation was rejected by Italian President Mattarella later that day. However, on July 21, the League and Forza Italia also defected from the grand coalition. After Draghi’s plan of reviving the coalition collapsed, President Mattarella accepted his resignation and called for a snap election to be held on September 25, ten months ahead of the original schedule. Based on the latest public opinion polls, right-wing political parties are well-positioned for the upcoming election. The far-right Brothers of Italy is now the front runner in the election race and is expected to win around 23% of the votes. Another far-right party, the League, is the third most popular party, with nearly 15% support despite a drop in support during its time within the grand coalition. In addition, the center-right Forza Italia receives 8.5% of the support. Together, the right-wing conservative bloc amounts to 46.5% of voting intentions. There is still positive momentum for Brothers of Italy to harvest more support given that they are the flag-bearer for anti-incumbent sentiment amid the stagflationary economy. By contrast, the left-wing parties – the Democrats, the Left, and the Greens – only command about 27%. The possibility of an extended left-wing coalition, even with the inclusion of the M5S, is looking slim. On July 25, Enrico Letta, the leader of the Democratic Party, publicly expressed his anger against party leader Giuseppe Conte and ruled out any electoral pact with the M5S because of the recent political chaos they caused. He stressed that the Democratic Party would seek ties with parties that had remained loyal to Draghi’s national unity. However, there are not many parties left for the Democrats to partner with. Apart from the Left and the Greens, the Democrats’ best chance would be the center-left Action Party and Italia Viva, which is led by Matteo Renzi, who served as the secretary of the Democratic Party from 2013 to 2018. However, these four parties are small and will not enable the Democrats to form a government. Courting M5S is the Democrats’ only chance to set up an alternative to the right-wing bloc, but that will require the election to force the two parties together. Related Report  Geopolitical StrategyLe Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) The Democratic Party was the biggest supporter of Draghi’s government, while the Brothers of Italy were the sole major opposition. Thus the September 25 election will be a race between these two major parties. Both are expected to outperform current polling, as they will attract the most supporters from each side. The other right-wing parties, Forza Italia and the League, will at least perform in line with their polling, while the other left-wing parties will underperform. In the meantime, M5S’ popularity will continue to decline – the party is bruised over its role in Draghi’s coalition and divided over how to respond to the Ukraine war. Foreign policy is a major factor in this election. Italy has the highest share of citizens in the Eurozone who support solving the Russia-Ukraine conflict through peaceful dialogue (52% versus the Eurozone average of 35%). Italy has long maintained pragmatic relations with Russia, including the Putin administration, as it imported 40% of its natural gas from there prior to 2022. The EU is struggling to maintain a united front against Russia, and war policy will be a key focal point among the different parties. Draghi and the Democratic Party are the strongest supporters of the EU’s oil embargo on Russia and decision to send arms to support Ukraine. On the other side, the right-wing Forza Italia and the League have been more equivocal due to their traditional friendship with Russia. What’s more important is the stance of the Brothers of Italy on Russia, as it is the largest party now and will probably lead a right-wing government after the election. On July 27, the three right-wing parties struck a deal to officially form an alliance in the upcoming election and whichever party wins the most votes would determine the next prime minister if the alliance wins. This deal puts Giorgia Meloni, the leader of Brothers of Italy, one step closer to becoming Italy’s first female PM. Giorgia Meloni, unlike her right-wing peers, has endorsed Draghi’s hawkish stance towards Russia. Recently, she stressed that Italy would keep sending arms to Ukraine if her party forms a government after the election. However, Meloni’s speech could be a tactical move to win the election more than an unshakeable policy position. First, like the other two right-wing parties, the Brothers of Italy have had close connections with Russia. After the 2018 Russian presidential election, Meloni congratulated Putin and claimed his victory was “the unequivocal will of Russians.” In addition, she is close to Prime Minister Viktor Orban of Hungary and National Rally leader Marine Le Pen of France, both of whom have criticized the EU’s decision to provide military support to Kyiv. Hence her sharp change of stance this year seems calculated to avoid accusations of being pro-Russian. But that does not preclude a more pragmatic approach to Russia once in office. Second, Meloni has compromised other far-right positions to broaden her voter base. She has reversed the party’s original anti-EU stance and claimed it does not seek to leave the EU, as most European anti-establishment parties have had to do in order to make themselves electable. Being the only female in the election race, Meloni also pledged to protect women’s access to safe abortions in Italy, also a softer stance than before. Even if the Brothers of Italy distance themselves from some unpopular right-wing positions, including on Ukraine, they probably cannot form a government on their own. They will need to court Forza Italia and the League. These two parties prefer a more pragmatic approach to Russia and a peaceful resolution to the war. Thus while it will be hard to find a middle ground on the issue of Ukraine, the election will likely prevent Italy from taking a more confrontational stance toward Russia. It will probably do the opposite. Consider the context in which the next Italian government will operate. Russia declared on July 25 that it will further reduce natural gas supplies to Europe through Nord Stream 1, as we expected, bringing pipeline flows to 20% of its full capacity.  Energy prices will go up even as European economic activity and industry will suffer greater strains. If Meloni is elected as the new prime minister this September, she will have to keep talking tough on Russia while simultaneously seeking a solution to soaring energy prices and economic crisis. This solution will be diplomacy – unless Russia seeks to expand its invasion all the way to Moldova. A right-wing victory is the most likely outcome based on opinion polling, the negative cyclical economy, and the underlying structural factors supporting populism in Italy that we have monitored for years. Such a coalition will not be pro-Russian but it will be pragmatic and focused on salvaging Italy’s economy, which means it will be highly inclined toward diplomacy. If Russia halts its military advance – does not attempt to conquer southwestern Ukraine to Moldova – then this point will be greatly reinforced. Italy will become a new veto player within the European Union when it comes to any major new sanctions on Russia. While Europeans will continue diversifying their energy mix away from Russia, it will be much harder for the EU to implement a natural gas embargo in the coming years if Italy as well as Hungary oppose it. Even if we are wrong, and the Democratic Party or other left-wing parties surprise to the upside in the election, the new coalition will most likely have to focus on mitigating the economic crisis and thus pursuing diplomacy with Russia. That is, as long as Russia pushes for a ceasefire after it achieves its military aims in Donetsk, the last holdout within the south-southeastern territories Russia is trying to conquer. Bottom Line: Due to persistent political uncertainty, we recommend investors underweight Italian stocks and bonds at least until a new government takes shape, which could take months even after the election. However, government bonds will remain vulnerable if a right-wing coalition assumes power, since it will pursue loose fiscal policies and will eschew structural reforms. Overall Italy’s early elections will lead to a new government that is focused on short-term economic growth, likely including pragmatism toward Russia. From an investment point of view that will not be a negative development, though much depends on whether Russia expands its invasion or declares victory after Donetsk. Russia Market-based measures of Russian geopolitical risk are rebounding after subsiding from peak levels hit during the invasion of Ukraine in February (Chart 2). Chart 2Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia’s continued tightening of natural gas supplies (and food exports) this week is precisely what we predicted would happen despite a wave of wishful thinking from investors over the past month. The optimists claimed that Russia would resume Nord Stream 1 pipeline flows after a regular “maintenance” period. They also said that Canada’s cooperation in resolving some “technical” issues around turbines would stabilize natural gas supply. The truth is that Russia is seeking to achieve its war aims in Ukraine. Until it has achieved its aims, it will use a range of leverage, including tightening food and energy supplies. Most likely Russia will halt the advance after completing the conquest of the Donbas region and land-bridge to Crimea. Then it will seek to legitimize its conquests through a ceasefire agreement. However, it could launch a new phase of the war to try to take Odessa and Transniestria, which would cement European resolve, even in Italy, and trigger a new round of sanctions. Bottom Line: Russia faces a fork in the road once it completes the conquest of Donetsk. Most likely it will declare victory and start pushing for a ceasefire late this year or early next year. Movement toward a ceasefire would reduce geopolitical risk for global financial markets in 2023. But there is still a substantial risk that Russia could expand the invasion to eastern Moldova, which would escalate the overarching Russia-West conflict and sustain the high level of geopolitical risk for markets. China Chinese political and geopolitical risk will continue to rise and the bounce in Chinese relative equity performance is faltering as we expected (Chart 3). Chart 3China: GeoRisk Indicator China’s leaders will hold their secretive annual meeting at Beidaihe in August ahead of the critical Communist Party national congress this fall. General Secretary Xi Jinping is attempting to cement himself as the paramount leader in China, comparable to Chairman Mao Zedong, transforming China’s governance from that of single-party rule to single-person rule. The reversion to autocratic government is coinciding with a historic economic slowdown consisting of cyclical factors (weak domestic demand, weakening foreign demand, draconian Covid-19 restrictions) and structural factors (labor force contraction, property sector bust, social change and unrest). Both Xi and US President Biden face major domestic political challenges in the coming months with the party congress and the US midterm election. Hence they are holding talks to try to stabilize relations. But we do not think they will succeed. China cannot reject Russia’s strategic overture, while the US cannot afford to re-engage with a China that is partnering with Russia in a challenge to the liberal-democratic world order. In addition, US policies are erratic and the US cannot credibly promise China that it will not pursue a containment strategy even if China offers trade concessions. Bottom Line: China-related political and geopolitical risks will remain very high until at least after the twentieth party congress. At that point we expect President Xi to loosen a range of policies to stabilize the economy and foreign trade relations. These policies may bring positive news in 2023, though China’s biggest macroeconomic and geopolitical problems remain structural in nature and we remain underweight Chinese assets. Taiwan For many years we have warned of a “fourth Taiwan Strait crisis” due to the unsustainable geopolitical situation between China, Taiwan, and the United States. After the war in Ukraine we argued that the US would try to boost its strategic deterrence around Taiwan, since it failed to deter Russia from invading Ukraine, but that the increased commitment to Taiwan would in fact provoke China (Chart 4). Chart 4Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Until the US and China reach a new understanding over Taiwan, we argued that the region would be susceptible to rising tensions and crisis points that would send investors fleeing from risky assets, especially risky regional assets. It is possible that we have arrived at this crisis now, with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi making preparations to visit Taiwan, China pledging “forceful” countermeasures if she does, President Biden suggesting that the US military thinks Pelosi should not visit, and Biden and Xi preparing for a phone conversation. In essence China is giving an ultimatum and setting a new bar, and a very low bar, for taking some kind of action on Taiwan, i.e. the mere visit of a US House speaker, which has happened before (House Speaker Newt Gingrich in 1997). China’s purpose is to lay the groundwork for preventing the US from upgrading Taiwan relations in any more substantial way, whether political or military. If the Biden administration calls off the Pelosi visit, then American relations with Taiwan will have been curtailed, at least for this administration. If Biden goes forward with the visit, then Beijing will need to respond with an aggressive show of force to prevent any future president from repeating the exercise or building on it. And if this show threatens US personnel or security, a full-blown diplomatic or military crisis could ensue. While we doubt it would lead to full-scale war, it could lead to a frightening confrontation. Biden may want to stabilize relations with China, since he is primarily focused on countering Russia, but his options are limited. China cannot save him from inflation but it can solidify the public perception that he is weak. Hence he is more likely to maintain his administration’s hawkish approach. Biden’s approval rating is 38% and his party faces a drubbing in the midterm elections. A confrontation with Russia, China, Iran, or anyone else would likely help his party by producing a public rally around the flag. Any unilateral concessions will merely strengthen Xi’s power consolidation at the party congress, which is detrimental to US interests. Only if the Biden administration pursues a dovish policy of re-engagement that is subsequently confirmed by the 2024 presidential election will there be potential for a substantial US-China economic re-engagement. We are pessimistic. Bottom Line: Taiwan-related geopolitical risk will rise in the short run. If there is a new US-China understanding over Taiwan, then regional and global geopolitical risk will decline over the medium term. But we remain short Taiwanese assets. Investment Takeaways Investors should remain defensively positioned until the US midterm election ends with congressional gridlock; the Chinese party congress is over and Xi Jinping launches a broad pro-growth policy; and Russia starts pushing for a ceasefire in Ukraine. We also expect that markets will need to get over new, unexpected oil supply shocks arising from the failure of US-Iran nuclear negotiations, which remains off the radar and therefore a source of negative surprises. Any US-Iran nuclear deal would be a major positive surprise that postpones this risk for a few years. Having said that, we are booking a 9% gain on our long US versus UAE equity trade for technical reasons. Democrats have reached a deal to pass a budget reconciliation bill in an effort to mitigate midterm election losses. This development reinforces the 65% odds of passage that we have maintained for this bill’s passage in our US Political Strategy reports since last year.   Yushu Ma Research Analyst yushu.ma@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Appendix UK Chart 5UK: GeoRisk Indicator Germany Chart 6Germany: GeoRisk Indicator France Chart 7France: GeoRisk Indicator Spain Chart 8Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Canada Chart 9Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Australia Chart 10Australia: GeoRisk Indicator Korea Chart 11Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil Chart 12Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey Chart 13Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator South Africa Chart 14South Africa: GeoRisk Indicator Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix "Batting Average": Geopolitical Strategy Trades Geopolitical Calendar