Economy
As expected, the Bank of Canada raised its key overnight interest rate by 50bps to 1.5% on Wednesday, its second consecutive half-point hike. The post-meeting statement highlighted that at 6.8% in April, CPI inflation exceeds the central bank’s forecast.…
Executive Summary EU Embargoes Russian Oil The EU imposed an embargo on 90% of Russian oil imports, which will provoke retaliation. Russia will squeeze Europe’s economy ahead of critical negotiations over the coming 6-12 months. Russian gains on the battlefield in Ukraine point to a ceasefire later, but not yet – and Russia will need to retaliate against NATO enlargement. The Middle East and North Africa face instability and oil disruptions due to US-Iran tensions and Russian interference. China’s autocratic shift is occurring amid an economic slowdown and pandemic. Social unrest and internal tensions will flare. China will export uncertainty and stagflation. Inflation is causing disparate effects in South Asia – instability in Pakistan and Sri Lanka, and fiscal populism in India. Asset Initiation Date Return Long Brazilian Financials / Indian Equities (Closed) Feb 10/22 22.5% Bottom Line: Markets still face three geopolitical hurdles: Russian retaliation; Middle Eastern instability; Chinese uncertainty. Feature Global equities bounced back 6.1% from their trough on May 12 as investors cheered hints of weakening inflation and questioned the bearish consensus. BCA’s Global Investment Strategy correctly called the equity bounce. However, as BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy service, we see several sources of additional bad news. Throughout the Ukraine conflict we have highlighted two fundamental factors to ascertain regarding the ongoing macroeconomic impact: Will the war cut off the Russia-EU energy trade? Will the war broaden beyond Ukraine? Chart 1Russian-Exposed Assets Will Suffer More In this report we update our views on these two critical questions. The takeaway is that the geopolitical outlook is still flashing red. The US dollar will remain strong and currencies exposed to Russia and geopolitical risk will remain weak (Chart 1). In addition, China’s politics will continue to produce uncertainty and negative surprises this year. Taken together, investors should remain defensive for now but be ready to turn positive when the market clears the hurdles we identify. The fate of the business cycle hangs in the balance. Energy Ties Eroding … Russia Will Retaliate Over Oil Embargo Chart 2AEU Embargoes Russian Oil Europe is diversifying from Russian oil and natural gas. The European Union adopted a partial oil embargo on Russia that will cut oil imports by 90% by the end of 2022. It also removed Sberbank from the SWIFT banking communications network and slapped sanctions on companies that insure shipments of Russian crude. The sanctions will cut off all of Europe’s seaborne oil imports from Russia as well as major pipeline imports, except the Southern Druzhba pipeline. The EU made an exception for landlocked eastern European countries heavily dependent on Russian pipeline imports – namely Hungary, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, and Bulgaria (Chart 2A). Focus on the big picture. Germany changed its national policy to reduce Russian energy dependency for the sake of national security. From Chancellors Willy Brandt to Angela Merkel, Germany pursued energy cooperation and economic engagement as a means of lowering the risk of war with Russia. Ostpolitik worked in the Cold War, so when Russia seized Crimea in 2014, Merkel built the Nord Stream 2 pipeline. But Merkel’s policy failed to persuade Russia that economic cooperation is better than military confrontation – rather it emboldened President Putin, who viewed Europe as divided and corruptible. Chart 2BRussia Squeezes EU’s Natural Gas Russia’s regime is insecure and feels threatened by the US and NATO. Russia believed that if it invaded Ukraine, the Europeans would maintain energy relations for the sake of preserving overall strategic stability. Instead Germany and other European states began to view Russia as irrational and aggressive and hence a threat to their long-term security. They imposed a coal ban, now an oil ban the end of this year, and a natural gas ban by the end of 2027, all formalized under the recently announced RePowerEU program. Russia retaliated by declaring it would reduce natural gas exports to the Netherlands and probably Denmark, after having already cut off Finland, Poland, and Bulgaria (Chart 2B). As a pretext Russia points to its arbitrary March demand that states pay for gas in rubles rather than in currencies written in contracts. This ruble payment scheme is being enforced on a country-by-country basis against those Russia deems “unfriendly,” i.e. those that join NATO, adopt new sanctions, provide massive assistance to Ukraine, or are otherwise adverse. Chart 3Russia Actively Cutting Gas Flows Russia and Ukraine are already reducing natural gas exports through the Ukraine and Turkstream pipelines while the Yamal pipeline has been empty since May – and it is only a matter of time before flows begin to fall in the Nord Stream 1 pipeline to Germany (Chart 3). German government and industry are preparing to ration natural gas (to prioritize household needs) and revive 15 coal plants if necessary. Europe is attempting to rebuild stockpiles for the coming winter, when Russian willingness and capability to squeeze natural gas flows will reach a peak. The big picture is demonstrated by game theory in Diagram 1. The optimal situation for both Russia and the EU is to maintain energy exports for as long as possible, so that Russia has revenues to wage its war and Europe avoids a recession while transitioning away from Russian supplies (bottom right quadrant, each side receives four points). The problem is that this solution is not an equilibrium because either side can suffer a sudden shock if the other side betrays the tacit agreement and stops buying or selling (bottom left and top right quadrants). Diagram 1EU-Russia Standoff: What Does Game Theory Say? The equilibrium – the decision sets in which both Russia and the EU are guaranteed to lose the least – is a situation in which both states reduce energy trade immediately. Europe needs to cut off the revenues that fuel the Russian war machine while Russia needs to punish and deter Europe now while it still has massive energy leverage (top left quadrant, circled). Once Europe diversifies away, Russia loses its leverage. If Europe does not diversify immediately, Russia can punish it severely by cutting off energy before it is prepared. Russian energy weaponization is especially useful ahead of any ceasefire talks in Ukraine. Russia aims for Ukrainian military neutrality and a permanently weakened Ukrainian state. To that end it is seizing territory for the Luhansk and Donetsk People’s Republics, seizing the southern coastline and strategic buffer around Crimea, and controlling the mouth of the Dnieper river so that Ukraine is forever hobbled (Map 1). Once it achieves these aims it will want to settle a ceasefire that legitimizes its conquests. But Ukraine will wish to continue the fight. Map 1Russian Invasion Of Ukraine, 2022 Russia will need leverage over Europe to convince the EU to lean on Ukraine to agree to a ceasefire. Something similar occurred in 2014-15 when Russia collaborated with Germany and France to foist the Minsk Protocols onto Ukraine. If Russia keeps energy flowing to EU, the EU not only gets a smooth energy transition away from Russia but also gets to keep assisting Ukraine’s military effort. Whereas if Russia imposes pain on the EU ahead of ceasefire talks, the EU has greater interest in settling a ceasefire. Finally, given Russia’s difficulties on the battlefield, its loss of European patronage, and potential NATO enlargement on its borders, Moscow is highly likely to open a “new front” in its conflict with the West. Josef Stalin, for example, encouraged Kim Il Sung to invade South Korea in 1950. Today Russia’s options lie in the Middle East and North Africa – the regions where Europe turns for energy alternatives. Not only Libya and Algeria – which are both inherently fertile ground for Russia to sow instability – but also Iran and the broader Middle East, where a tenuous geopolitical balance is already eroding due to a lack of strategic understanding between the US and Iran. Russia’s capabilities are limited but it likely retains enough influence to ignite existing powder kegs in these areas. Bottom Line: Investors still face a few hurdles from the Ukraine war. First, the EU’s expanding energy embargo and Russian retaliation. Second, instability in the Middle East and North Africa. Hence energy price pressures will remain elevated in the short term and kill more demand, thus pushing the EU and the rest of the world toward stagflation or even recession. War Contained To Ukraine So Far … But Russia To Retaliate Over NATO Enlargement At present Russia is waging a full-scale assault on eastern and southern Ukraine, where about half of Donetsk awaits a decision (Map 2). If Russia emerges victorious over Donetsk in the summer or fall then it can declare victory and start negotiating a ceasefire. This timeline assumes that its economic circumstances are sufficiently straitened to prevent a campaign to the Moldovan border.1 Map 2Russia May Declare Victory If It Conquers The Rest Of Donetsk There are still ways for the Ukraine war to spill over into neighboring areas. For example, the Black Sea is effectively a Russian lake at the moment, which prevents Ukrainian grain from reaching global markets where food prices are soaring. Eventually the western maritime powers will need to attempt to restore freedom of navigation. However, Russia is imposing a blockade on Ukraine, has more at stake there than other powers, and can take greater risks. The US and its allies will continue to provide Ukraine with targeting information against Russian ships but this assistance could eventually provoke a larger naval conflict. Separately, the US has agreed to provide Ukraine with the M142 High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS), which could lead to attacks on Russian territory that would prompt a ferocious Russian reaction. Even assuming that the Ukraine war remains contained, Russia’s strategic conflict with the US and the West will remain unresolved and Moscow will be eager to save face. Russian retaliation will occur not only on account of European energy diversification but also on account of NATO enlargement. Finland and Sweden are attempting to join NATO and as such the West is directly repudiating the Putin regime’s chief strategic demand for 22 years. Finland shares an 830 mile border with Russia, adding insult to injury. The result will be another round of larger military tensions that go beyond Ukraine and prolong this year’s geopolitical risk and uncertainty. Russia’s initial response to Finland’s and Sweden’s joint application to NATO was to dismiss the threat they pose while drawing a new red line. Rather than forbidding NATO enlargement, Russia now demands that no NATO forces be deployed to these two states. This demand, which Putin and other officials expressed, may or may not amount to a genuine Russian policy change. Russia’s initial responses should be taken with a grain of salt because Turkey is temporarily blocking Finland’s and Sweden’s applications, so Russia has no need to respond to NATO enlargement yet. But the true test will come when and if the West satisfies Turkey’s grievances and Turkey moves to admit the new members. If enlargement becomes inevitable, Russia will respond. Russia will feel that its national security is fundamentally jeopardized by Sweden overturning two centuries of neutrality and Finland reversing the policy of “Finlandization” that went so far in preventing conflict during the Cold War. Chart 4Military Balances Stacking Up Against Russia Russia’s military options are limited. Russia has little ability to expand the war and fight on multiple fronts judging by the army’s recent performance in Ukraine and the Red Army’s performance in the Winter War of 1939. This point can be illustrated by taking the military balance of Russia and its most immediate adversaries, which add up to about half of Russian military strength even apart from NATO (Chart 4). Russian armed forces already demonstrated some pragmatism in April by withdrawing from Kyiv and focusing on more achievable war aims. Unless President Putin turns utterly reckless and the Russian state fails to restrain him, Russia will opt for defensive measures and strategic deterrence rather than a military offensive in the Baltics. Hence Russia’s military response will come in the form of threats rather than outright belligerence. However, these threats will probably include military and nuclear actions that will raise alarm bells across Europe and the United States. President Dmitri Medvedev has already warned of the permanent deployment of nuclear missiles in the Kaliningrad exclave.2 This statement points to only the most symbolic option of a range of options that will increase deterrence and elevate the fear of war. Otherwise Russia’s retaliation will consist of squeezing global energy supply, as discussed above, including by opening a new front in the Middle East and North Africa. Instability should be expected as a way of constraining Europe and distracting America. Higher energy prices may or may not convince the EU to negotiate better terms with Russia but they will sow divisions within and among the allies. Ultimately Russia is highly unlikely to sacrifice its credibility by failing to retaliate for the combination of energy embargo and NATO enlargement on its borders. Since its military options are becoming constrained (at least its rational ones), its economic and asymmetrical options will grow in importance. The result will be additional energy supply constraints. Bottom Line: Even assuming that the war does not spread beyond Ukraine – likely but not certain – global financial markets face at least one more period of military escalation with Russia. This will likely include significant energy cutoffs and saber-rattling – even nuclear threats – over NATO enlargement. China’s Political Situation Has Not Normalized China continues to suffer from a historic confluence of internal and external political risk that will cause negative surprises for investors. Temporary improvements in government policy or investor sentiment – centered on a relaxation of “Zero Covid” lockdowns in major cities and a more dovish regulatory tone against the tech giants – will likely be frustrated, at least until after a more dovish government stance can be confirmed in the wake of the twentieth national party congress in October or November this year. At that event, Chinese President Xi Jinping is likely to clinch another ten years in power and complete the transformation of China’s governance from single-party rule to single-person rule. This reversion to autocracy will generate additional market-negative developments this year. It has already embedded a permanently higher risk premium in Chinese financial assets because it increases the odds of policy mistakes, international aggression, and ultimately succession crisis. The most successful Asian states chose to democratize and expand free markets and capitalism when they reached a similar point of economic development and faced the associated sociopolitical challenges. But China is choosing the opposite path for the sake of national security. Investors have seen the decay of Russia’s economy under Putin’s autocracy and would be remiss not to upgrade the odds of similarly negative outcomes in China over the long run as a result of Xi’s autocracy, despite the many differences between the two countries. China’s situation is more difficult than that of the democratic Asian states because of its reviving strategic rivalry with the United States. US Secretary of State Antony Blinken recently unveiled President Biden’s comprehensive China policy. He affirmed that the administration views China as the US’s top strategic competitor over the long run, despite the heightened confrontation with Russia.3 The Biden administration has not eased the Trump administration’s tariffs or punitive measures on China. It is unlikely to do so during a midterm election year when protectionist dynamics prevail – especially given that the Xi administration will be in the process of reestablishing autocracy, and possibly repressing social unrest, at the very moment Americans go to the polls. Re-engagement with China is also prohibited because China is strengthening its strategic bonds with Russia. President Biden has repeatedly implied that the US would defend Taiwan in any conflict with China. These statements are presented as gaffes or mistakes but they are in fact in keeping with historical US military actions threatening counter-attack during the three historic Taiwan Strait crises. The White House quickly walks back these comments to reassure China that the US does not support Taiwanese independence or intend to trigger a war with China. The result is that the US is using Biden’s gaffe-prone personality to reemphasize the hard edge (rather than the soft edge) of the US’s policy of “strategic ambiguity” on Taiwan. US policy is still ambiguous but ambiguity includes the possibility that a president might order military action to defend Taiwan. US attempts to increase deterrence and avoid a Ukraine scenario are threatening for China, which will view the US as altering the status quo and penalizing China for Russia’s actions. Beijing resumed overflights of Taiwan’s air defense identification zone in the wake of Biden’s remarks as well as the decision of the US to send Senator Tammy Duckworth to Taiwan to discuss deeper economic and defense ties. Consider the positioning of US aircraft carrier strike groups as an indicator of the high level of strategic tensions. On January 18, 2022, as Russia amassed military forces on the Ukrainian border – and the US and NATO rejected its strategic demands – the US had only one publicly acknowledged aircraft carrier in the Mediterranean (the USS Harry Truman) whereas it had at least five US carriers in East Asia. On February 24, the day of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the US had at least four of these carriers in Asia. Even today the US has at least four carriers in the Pacific compared to at least two in Europe – one of which, notably, is in the Baltics to deter Russia from attacking Finland and Sweden (Map 3). The US is warning China not to take advantage of the Ukraine war by staging a surprise attack on Taiwan. Map 3Amid Ukraine War, US Deters China From Attacking Taiwan Of course, strategic tensions are perennial, whereas what investors are most concerned about is whether China can secure its economic recovery. The latest data are still disappointing. Credit growth continues to falter as the private sector struggles with a deteriorating demographic and macroeconomic outlook (Chart 5). The credit impulse has entered positive territory, when local government bonds are included, reflecting government stimulus efforts. But it is still negative when excluding local governments. And even the positive measure is unimpressive, having ticked back down in April (Chart 6). Chart 5Credit Growth Falters Amid Economic Transition Chart 6Silver Lining: Credit Impulse Less Negative Bottom Line: Further monetary and fiscal easing will come in China, a source of good news for global investors next year if coupled with a broader policy shift in favor of business, but the effects will be mixed this year due to Covid policy and domestic politics. Taken together with a European energy crunch and Middle Eastern oil supply disruptions, China’s stimulus is not a catalyst for a sustainable global equity market rally this year. South Asia: Inflation Hammers Sri Lanka And Pakistan Since 2020 we have argued that the global pandemic would result in a new wave of supply pressures and global social unrest. High inflation is blazing a trail of destruction in emerging markets, notably in South Asia, where per capita incomes are low and political institutions often fragile. Chart 7South Asia: Surging Inflation Sri Lanka has been worst affected (Chart 7). Inflation surged to an eye-watering 34% in April and is expected to rise further. Surging inflation has affected Sri Lanka disproportionately because its macroeconomic and political fundamentals were weak to begin with. The tourism-dependent Sri Lankan economy suffered a body blow from terrorist attacks in 2019 and the pandemic in 2020-21. Then 2022 saw a power struggle between Sri Lanka’s President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and members of the national assembly including Prime Minister (PM) Mahinda Rajapaksa. The crisis hit a crescendo when the country defaulted on external debt obligations last month. These events weigh on Sri Lanka’s ability to transition from a long civil war (1983-2009) to a path of sustained economic development. While the political crisis has seemingly stabilized following the appointment of new Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, we remain bearish on a strategic time horizon. This is mainly because the new PM is unlikely to bring about structural solutions for Sri Lanka’s broken economy. Moreover, Sri Lanka holds more than $50 billion of foreign debt, or 62% of GDP. Another country that has been dealing with political instability alongside high inflation in South Asia is Pakistan, where inflation hit a three-year high in April (see Chart 7 above). The latest twist in Pakistan’s never-ending cycle of political uncertainty comes from the ousted Prime Minister Imran Khan. The former PM, who commands an unusual popular support group due to his fame as a cricketer prior to entering politics, is demanding fresh elections and otherwise threatening to hold mass protests. Pakistan’s new coalition government and Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, who came to power amid parliamentary intrigues, are refusing elections and ultimatums. From a structural perspective Pakistan is characterized by a weak economy and an unusually influential military. Now it faces high inflation and rising food prices – indeed it is one of the countries that is most dangerously exposed to the Russia-Ukraine war as it depends on these two for over 70% of its grain imports. Bottom Line: MSCI Sri Lanka has underperformed the MSCI EM index by 58.3% this year to date. Pakistan has underperformed the same index by 41.6% over the same period. Against this backdrop, we remain strategic sellers of both bourses. Instability in these countries is also one of the factors behind our strategic assessment of India as a country with a growing domestic policy consensus. South Asia: India’s Fiscal Populism And Geopolitics Inflation is less rampant in India, although still troublesome. Consumer prices nearly jumped to an 8-year high in April (see Chart 7). With a loaded state election calendar due over the next 12-18 months, the jump in inflation naturally triggered a series of mitigating policy responses. Ban On Wheat Exports: India produces 14% of the world’s wheat and 11% of grains, and exports 5% and 7%, respectively. India’s exports could make a large profit in the context of global shortages. But Prime Minister Narendra Modi is entering into the political end of the business cycle, with key state elections due that will have an impact on the ruling party’s political standing two years before the next federal election. He fears political vulnerability if exports continue amid price pressures at home. The emphasis on food security is typical but also bespeaks a lack of commitment to economic reform. Chart 8India's Real Interest Rates Fall Surprise Rate Hikes: The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) increased the policy repo rate by 40 basis points at an unscheduled meeting on May 4, thereby implementing its first rate hike since August 2018. With real rates in India lower than those in China or Brazil (Chart 8), the RBI will be forced to expedite its planned rate hikes through 2022. Tax Cuts On Fuel: India’s central government also announced steep cuts in excise duty on fuel. This is another populist measure that reduces political pressures but fails to encourage the private sector to adjust. These measures will help rein in inflation but the rate hikes will weigh on economic growth while the tax cuts will add to India’s fiscal deficit. Indeed, India is resorting to fiscal populism with key state elections looming. Geopolitical risk is less of a concern for India – indeed the Ukraine war has strengthened its bargaining position. In the short run, India benefits from the ability to buy arms and especially cheap oil from Russia while the EU imposes an embargo. But over the long run its economy and security can be strengthened by greater interest from the US and its allies, recently highlighted by the fourth meeting of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) and the launch of the US’s Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF). These initiatives are modest but they highlight the US’s need to replace China with India and ASEAN over time, a trend that no US administration can reverse now because of the emerging Russo-Chinese strategic alliance. At the same time, the Quad underscores India’s maritime interests and hence the security benefits India can gain from aligning its economy and navy with the other democracies. Bottom Line: Fiscal populism in the context of high commodity prices is negative for Indian equities. However, our views on Russia, the Middle East, and China all point to a sharper short-term spike in commodity prices that ultimately drives the world economy deeper into stagflation or recession. Therefore we are booking a 22.5% profit on our tactical decision to go long Brazilian financials relative to Indian equities. Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Ritika Mankar, CFA Editor/Strategist ritika.mankar@bcaresearch.com Chart 9Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 10Other Measures Of Russian Geopolitical Risk Chart 11China: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 12United Kingdom: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 13Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 14France: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 15Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 16Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 17Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 18Australia: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 19Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 20Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 21Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 22South Africa: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 23Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Footnotes 1 Recent diplomatic flaps between core European leaders and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky reflect Ukraine’s fear that Europe will negotiate a “separate peace” with Russia, i.e. accept Russian territorial conquests in exchange for economic relief. 2 Dmitri Medvedev explicitly states ‘there can be no more talk of any nuclear-free status for the Baltic - the balance must be restored’ in warning Finland and Sweden joining NATO. Medvedev is suggesting that nuclear weapons will be placed in this area where Russia has its Kaliningrad exclave sandwiched between Poland and Lithuania. Guy Faulconbridge, ‘Russia warns of nuclear, hypersonic deployment if Sweden and Finland join NATO’, April 14, 2022, Reuters. 3 See Antony J Blinken, Secretary of State, ‘The Administration’s Approach to the People’s Republic of China’, The George Washington University, Washington D.C., May 26, 2022, state.gov. Additionally, see President Joe Biden’s remarks on China and getting involved military to defend Taiwan in a joint press conference with Japan’s Prime Minister Kishida Fumio. ‘Remarks by President Biden and Prime Minister Kishida Fumio of Japan in Joint Press Conference’, Akasaka Palace, Tokyo, Japan, May 23, 2022, whitehouse.gov. Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix Section III: Geopolitical Calendar
Listen to a short summary of this report. Executive Summary Recession Checklist US stocks were down almost 20% at their lowest point in May. Any lower and they would be pricing in recession. Central banks will raise rates to or above neutral to ensure that inflation comes back down to their targets. This will cause growth to slow. Markets will now start to worry more about faltering growth than about high inflation. In our recession checklist (see Table), no indicator is yet pointing to recession, but some may do so soon. The jury is likely to be out for some time on whether there will be a recession in the next 12-18 months. In the meantime, equities are likely to move sideways, amid high volatility. Bottom Line: Investors should stay cautiously positioned for now, with only a neutral weighting in equities, and tilts towards more defensive markets and sectors. We recommend a large holding in cash to allow for funds to be redeployed quickly when there is a better entry-point. The narrative driving global markets has shifted from worries about inflation, to fretting about the risk of recession. Although headline inflation remains high (8.3% year-on-year in the US and 8.1% in the eurozone), inflation pressures have clearly peaked (for now, at least): Broad measures, such as the US trimmed-mean PCE, have started to ease significantly (Chart 1). Recommended Allocation Chart 1Inflationary Pressures Are Starting To EaseBut now signs are emerging of a slowdown in economic growth. The Citigroup Economic Surprise Indexes in all the major regions have turned down (Chart 2), and global industrial production is falling year-on-year (albeit partly because of lingering supply-side bottlenecks) (Chart 3). Chart 2Global Growth Is Turning Down Chart 3IP Growth Has Turned Negative Equity markets – with US stocks down 19% from their peak to the May low, and global stocks 17% – are pricing in a slowdown, but not yet a recession. As we have often argued, it is almost unheard of to have a bear market (defined as a greater than 20% decline in US stocks) without a recession – the last time that happened was in 1987 (and all on one day, Black Monday) (Chart 4). Note from the chart how often stocks correct by 19-20%, on concerns about recession, without tipping into a bear market. That is where we stand today. Chart 4US Stocks Don't Fall More Than 20% Without A Recession Table 1Recession Checklist So the key question is: Will we have a recession over the next 12-18 months? We have dug out the recession checklist we last used in 2019 (Table 1). While none of the indicators are yet clearly pointing to recession, several may do so by year-end (Chart 5). And there are a number of warning signs starting to flash. The US housing market – the most interest-rate sensitive part of the economy – could soon see home prices falling, after the 200 BPs rise in the 30-year mortgage rate since the start of the year (Chart 6). Wages have failed to rise in line with inflation, which has led to retail sales falling year-on-year in real terms (Chart 7). And there are even some signs that companies are slowing their hiring, presumably on worries about the durability of the recovery: In the latest ISM surveys, the employment component fell to close to 50 (Chart 8). Chart 5Some Recession Indicators Look Worrying Chart 6Housing Is The Most Vulnerable Sector Chart 7Real Retail Sales Are Falling Chart 8Signs That Companies Are Growing Wary Of Hiring? The strongest argument against there being a recession is the $2.2 trillion of excess savings held by US households (and $5 trillion among households in all major developed economies). The argument is that, even if interest rates rise and real wage growth is negative, consumers can continue to spend by dipping into these accumulated savings. But there are some problems here. The savings are highly concentrated among the rich, who have a lower propensity to spend (Chart 9). Because of “mental accounting” biases, people may think only of current income, not savings, when considering how much to spend. And, as spending shifts back from goods to services, now that pandemic rules are largely over (Chart 10), spending on manufactured products is likely to fall below trend (since many purchases were brought forward). But it is hard to catch up on previously missed services spending (you can’t take three vacations this year to make up for those you missed in 2020 and 2021), and so services spending will, at best, only return to trend. Chart 9The Rich Have All The Money Chart 10Can Services Take Over From Goods Spending? Meanwhile, central banks will be focused on fighting inflation. All of them are expected to take rates to or above neutral over the next 12 months (Chart 11) – implying a squeeze on aggregate demand. Although inflation may be peaking, it is still well above most central banks’ comfort zones. In the US, for example, the FOMC expects core PCE to ease to 4.1% by year-end and 2.6% by end-2023, but that is still higher than its 2% target. The Fed is likely to remain focused on the upside risks to inflation: From rising services prices (Chart 12), and the risk of a price-wage spiral (Chart 13). BCA Research’s bond strategists expect the Fed to hike by 50 BPs at each of the next two meetings (in June and July), and then to revert to 25 BPs a meeting, as long as it is clear by then that inflation is trending down.1 Chart 11Rates Are Going To Or Above Neutral Everywhere Chart 12Inflation Risks: Rising Services Prices...Our conclusion is that the jury is out on the probability of recession – and is likely to stay out for a while. So far this year, equities and bonds have both performed poorly – with a 60:40 equity/bond portfolio producing the worst start to a year in three decades (Chart 14). Equities have wobbled because of tight monetary policy and worries about slowing growth; bonds because of inflation concerns. This is likely to remain the case until there is more clarity about the risk of recession. In this environment, we expect global equities to move sideways, with significant volatility – falling on signs of weakening growth, but rallying on hopes that the Fed may change its course.2 Chart 13...And A Price-Wage Spiral Chart 14Nowhere To Hide This Year We continue, therefore, to recommend fairly cautious portfolio positioning, with a neutral weight in global equities (and a preference for defensive country and sector allocations). Investors should keep a healthy holding in cash, giving them dry powder to use when a better entry-point into risk assets presents itself. Fixed Income: Bond yields have fallen over the past month, with the US 10-year Treasury yield slipping to 2.8% from 3.1% in early May. As per BCA Research’s Golden Rule of Bond Investing, the level of yields will be determined by whether the Fed (and other central banks) surprise dovishly or hawkishly relative to market expectations (Chart 15).3 The Fed is likely to hike slightly less this year than the market is pricing in, but may continue to raise rates beyond mid-2023, compared to a market expectation of rate cuts then (see Chart 11, panel 1 above). This points to the 10-year yield remaining broadly flat for the rest of this year, but possibly rising after that. Historically, rates tend to peak in line with trend nominal GDP growth (Chart 16). This means that, if the expansion continues for another couple of years, the 10-year yield could reach 4%. We, therefore, recommend an underweight on bonds. However, government bonds do now represent a good hedge again, with strong capital gain in the event of recession (Table 2). We recommend a neutral weight on government bonds within the fixed-income category. Chart 15The Golden Rule Of Bond Investing Chart 16Rates Tend To Peak In Line With Trend Nominal GDP Growth Table 2Government Bonds Now Offer Good Returns In A Recession Chart 17Credit Now Offers Attractive Valuations The recent rise in credit spreads has opened some opportunities. Valuations for both investment-grade (IG) and high-yield (HY) bonds are now attractive again, with all but the highest-quality bonds trading at a breakeven spread higher than the long-run median (Chart 17). The likelihood of defaults is rising, however, so we lower our weighting in HY (whilst remaining slightly overweight) and raise the weight in IG, also to a small overweight. We fund this by cutting our recommendation in Emerging Market debt to underweight. Credit, especially in the US, now offers tempting returns as long as the economy avoids recession, and is a relatively low-risk way to gain exposure to upside surprises. Chart 18US Performance Has Lagged This Year Equities: US relative equity performance has been a little disappointing year-to-date, dragged down by the performance of the IT sector (Chart 18). Nonetheless, we stick to our overweight, given the market’s lower beta and the likely greater resilience of the US economy. Among sectors, we raise our weighting in Energy to overweight from neutral. Our energy strategists recently lifted their forecast for end-2022 Brent crude to $120 from $90, and raise the possibility of even $140 (see below for more on why). Despite the sharp outperformance of Energy stocks over the past six months, the sector has barely registered net inflows – presumably because of ESG (Chart 19). As we argued in a recent report, oil producers could be the new “sin stocks”, making the sector attractive over the next few years to investors who do not have ethical restraints on investing in it. We fund the overweight in Energy by lowering our weighting in Industrials to neutral. Capex is a late-cycle play and capital-goods makers benefited as manufacturers rushed to increase production during the recent consumer boom. But signs are now emerging that companies are becoming more cautious on capex (Chart 20). Chart 19Weak Flows Into The Energy Sector Despite Strong Performance Chart 20Companies Are Becoming More Cautious On Capex Commodities: China’s growth remains very weak and, although commodity prices have started to fall (with copper down 9% and iron ore 11% in Q2), they have not yet caught up with the slowdown in Chinese imports (Chart 21). The key question is whether China will now roll out a big stimulus. Given the government’s determination to persevere with the zero-Covid policy, and its need to achieve the 5.5% GDP growth target this year, it will eventually have no choice. But it is reluctant to trigger another housing boom, and there are doubts about how effective stimulus would be given the property market’s dysfunction. For now, we remain cautious on the Materials sector, and on commodities as an alternative asset – though the long-term structural story (because of the build-out of alternative energy) remains strong. Oil and natural-gas prices are likely to remain high due to disruptions in supply from Russia. Russia will probably have to shut 1.6 m b/d of production following the EU embargo on Russian oil imports. The EU is rushing to build up natural-gas inventories before the winter, in case Russia bans gas exports to Europe in retaliation (Chart 22). Higher oil prices are positive for the Energy sector, and for countries such as Canada (whose equity market we raise to neutral, funding this by trimming the overweight in the US). Chart 21Commodity Prices Dragged Down By Weak Chinese Growth Chart 22The EU Will Need To Buy Lots Of Natural Gas Currencies: Momentum, cyclical factors, and interest-rate differentials still favor the US dollar. Although the Fed will not raise rates quite as much as futures are pricing in, other central banks – especially the ECB and the Reserve Bank of Australia – will miss by more (Table 3). Nevertheless, the USD looks very overvalued (Chart 23) and speculators are long the currency. This means that, once global growth bottoms, there could be a sharp depreciation in the dollar. We remain neutral on the USD. Our preferred defensive currency is the CHF, since the other usual safe haven, the JPY, will remain depressed if, as we expect, the Bank of Japan persists with its yield curve control, limiting the 10-year JGB yield to 0.25%. Table 3Most Central Banks Will Not Hike As Much As Futures Predict Chart 23US Dollar Is Very Overvalued Garry Evans, Senior Vice President Global Asset Allocation garry@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see US Bond Strategy Report, “Echoes Of 2018” dated May 24, 2022. 2 BCA Research’s US equity strategists call this a “Fat and Flat” market. Please see “What Is Next For US Equities? They Will Be Fat And Flat”. 3 Please see “Updating Our Global Golden Rule Of Bond Investing As Inflation Momentum Peaks” for an explanation of how the Golden Rule works in different countries. Recommended Asset Allocation Model Portfolio (USD Terms)
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On Monday, EU leaders agreed to a sixth round of sanctions on Russia which includes a partial embargo on oil imports that will take full effect by the end of the year. The ban applies to crude oil and petroleum products delivered by sea – which account for…
German HICP rose from 7.8% y/y to 8.7% y/y in May, exceeding expectations of 8.1% y/y. Accelerating goods prices led the increase, while services inflation eased in May. Notably, energy and food prices surged 38.3% y/y and 11.1% y/y, respectively. Food and…
Recent data releases from Vietnam have been relatively resilient. The 22.6% y/y increase in May retail sales indicates that domestic demand is robust. And although export growth decelerated to 16.4% y/y from April’s 25% y/y, it is ultimately expanding at an…
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