Economy

Special Report

Highlights The U.S. basic balance is the strongest it’s been in decades. However, the White House’s profligacy threatens this positive. The euro area basic balance is also healthy. Now that the European Central Bank has ended its asset purchasing program, aggregate portfolio flows in Europe have much scope to improve, creating long-term support for the euro. Australia, Canada and New Zealand are likely to suffer deteriorating balance-of-payments trends, which will hamper their performance. Norway is the commodity driven economy that is likely to buck this trend. Stay positive the NOK against the SEK and the EUR as well as against other commodity currencies. Feature Balance-of-payments dynamics can often be overplayed when forecasting G10 FX. While their capacity to forecast FX moves is small on a 12-month horizon, the state of the balance of payments can occasionally take primacy over any other consideration. This is particularly true when global liquidity conditions deteriorate, as it makes financing current account deficits more expensive, often requiring sharp adjustment in currency valuations. Since we have experienced a period of rising financial market volatility and global liquidity has deteriorated, this gives us a momentous occasion to review balance-of-payments conditions across the G10. While the balance-of-payments situation for the U.S. is not as dire as is often argued, the deteriorating fiscal balance suggests that this situation is temporary. This means that balance-of-payments risks are likely to grow for the dollar over the coming years. Meanwhile, depressed portfolio flows into the euro area have a lot of scope to improve, which point to a bullish long-term outcome for the euro. Finally, other than Norway, the commodity currency complex sports tenuous balance-of-payments dynamics, which are likely to deteriorate. This suggests that the CAD, AUD and NZD have downside. As a long-term allocation, selling these currencies against the NOK makes sense as well. The U.S. Despite a strong economy that is lifting import growth, the U.S. trade and current account balances have remained stable since 2014, hovering near -3% of GDP and -2.3% of GDP, respectively. This stability is a consequence of the shale revolution, which has curtailed U.S. oil imports by 3.3 million bpd since 2006. However, thanks to robust growth due in large part to the Trump administration’s deregulatory push as well as last year’s tax cut, the U.S. has been the recipient of large FDI inflows, amounting to 1.4% of GDP, the highest level since 2006. Consequently, the U.S.’s basic balance of payments has rebounded, hitting a record high (Chart 1). Chart 1U.S. Balance Of Payments A strong basic balance of payments has been an important factor behind the greenback’s strength this cycle as net portfolio flows in the U.S. have not been particularly strong, having mostly been driven by weaker official purchases. In this context, the current M&A wave bodes well for the dollar as the U.S. has historically been the recipient of such flows. The U.S. equity market’s overweight towards tech and healthcare stocks strengthens this view. From a balance-of-payments perspective, the biggest risk for the dollar is Washington’s profligacy, which is forcing the world to digest a large stock of USD-denominated liabilities. However, if history is any guide, this risk is likely to drive the dollar lower only once U.S. real rates begin to become less appealing compared to their peers. Since BCA expects U.S. real rates to increase more, widening real rate differentials in the process, the dollar should continue to remain supported this year, especially as investors continue to expect a shallower path for rates than we do. The Euro Area After peaking at 2.4% of GDP, the euro area trade balance has softened to 1.8% of GDP. Rebounding economic activity in the European periphery explains this small deterioration as rising domestic demand tends to lift imports growth, hurting trade balances in the process. Despite this worsening trade balance, the euro area current account surplus remains as wide as ever, clocking in at 3.4% of GDP. This reflects both recent improvements in the European net international investment position as well as the fact that low European rates are curtailing the costs of liabilities. Poor FDI performance mitigates the benefits of the large European current account surplus. Hampered by low rates of return, lingering worries about European cohesion and banks’ health, long-term investors have flown out of the euro area – not in. Nonetheless, despite this negative, the euro area basic balance remains in surplus, creating a small positive for the euro (Chart 2). Chart 2Euro Area Balance Of Payments The biggest problem for the euro in recent years has been portfolio outflows, especially in the fixed income sphere. While the weakness in portfolio flows has been a crucial factor preventing the good value in the euro – EUR/USD trades at a 12% discount to its purchasing-power parity equilibrium – from realizing itself, the outlook on this front is improving. The European Central Bank’s negative interest rate policy coupled with its Asset Purchase Program have created a powerful repellent for private fixed-income investors. However, the APP is now over, and European policy rates should move back above zero by year-end 2020. As a result, euro area portfolio flows have room to improve considerably. Once this happens, since the basic balance is already in surplus, the euro will have scope to rally significantly. Japan Burdened by slowing exports to both China and emerging markets, the Japanese trade balance is vanishing quickly. However, it still remains at a wide 3.8% of GDP. This is a direct artefact of Japan’s extraordinarily large net international investment position of 60% of GDP, which generates such large net investment income that even when Japan runs a trade deficit of more than 2% of GDP, as it did in 2014, the current account remains balanced (Chart 3). Chart 3Japanese Balance Of Payments The flipside of Japan’s structural current account surplus is an FDI balance constantly in deficit. The Japanese private sector generates more savings than the country can use, even after the profligacy of the government is satiated. Essentially, Japanese firms are reluctant to expand capacity in ageing, expensive and deflationary Japan. They prefer to do so outside of the national borders, closer to potential new customers. As a result of this dichotomy between the current account surplus and FDI deficit, Japan’s basic balance of payments is a much more modest 1.1% of GDP. Thus, the long-term and stable components of the Japanese balance of payments are mildly positive for the yen. In terms of stock and bond flows, Japan is currently experiencing significant outflows, driven by Japanese investors moving funds outside the country. Historically, these portfolio flows have been a poor indicator for the yen’s direction, often moving into deficit territory as the yen strengthens. This is because Japanese investors are often hedging their foreign asset purchases. Consequently, money market flows will likely once again determine the yen’s fate. For now, the Bank of Japan remains firmly on hold and U.S. rates are rising, suggesting USD/JPY has room to rally this year. However, the JPY’s cheapness and the favorable balance-of-payments picture of Japan argue that the yen’s weakness is in its final innings. The next big structural move in the yen is higher. The U.K. Despite the post-referendum cheapening of the pound, the U.K. continues to run a massive trade deficit of 6.7% of GDP. The current account looks a bit better but remains at a large deficit of 3.9% of GDP. A current account deficit is not a problem for a currency so long as it can be financed cheaply. Historically, the U.K. has been attractive to long-term foreign investors, with a widening current account deficit often met with a growing net FDI balance, leaving only a small basic balance to finance through other channels (Chart 4). Chart 4U.K. Balance Of Payments This time around, the current account remains wide but net FDI flows have collapsed, from 8% of GDP in 2017 to 1.8% of GDP today. The uncertainty surrounding Brexit explains this deterioration. The financial services sector accounts for more than 50% of the stock of inward foreign investments in Great Britain. As financial services will suffer the brunt of Brexit, those investments have also melted. This means the U.K. will have to depend on portfolio flows to finance its current account deficit. Portfolio investments in the U.K. have grown since mid-2017, explaining the stability in the pound. However, this masks some heightened short-term volatility for the GBP against both the dollar and the euro. In the short-term, as the Brexit deadline quickly approaches, this volatility in both flows and the currency will remain high. On a long-term basis, we expect a benign resolution to Brexit. While large FDIs into the financial sector are forever something of the past, flows into British market securities are likely to improve, as the Bank of England will have room to increase rates once economic activity picks up again after the Brexit fog lifts. Canada The Canadian trade balance never recovered from its pre-Great Financial Crisis health. The rebound in oil prices since January 2016 has done little to help the Canadian trade balance, as Canadian oil trades at a large discount to global benchmarks – a consequence of a lack of pipeline capacity that has trapped Canadian oil where it is not needed. The Canadian current account balance offers little solace, and at -2.7% of GDP is in even worse shape than the trade balance (Chart 5). However, the Canadian basic balance is currently in better condition, as Canada continues to attract net FDIs equal to 2% of GDP. The problem for the country is that FDI inflows have become much more limited by the fact that Canadian oil sands generate little profits at current oil prices – a problem amplified by the lack of exporting capacity. This trend is unlikely to change anytime soon. Chart 5Canadian Balance Of Payments Portfolio flows remain positive, but at 1.1% of GDP, they are falling sharply. The poor profitability of Canadian resources stocks is obviously a problem there, but the growing risks to the Canadian housing market are also likely to hurt banks’ profitability as well as the aggregate financial sector, which accounts for nearly 40% of the country’s stock market capitalization. As a result, with Canadian yields still lagging the U.S., portfolio flows could also deteriorate further. This combination implies that the balance-of-payments picture for Canada is becoming a growing headwind. Australia Two factors are lifting the Australian trade balance, which stands at a surplus of 0.6% of GDP. As the exploitation of Australia’s large mineral deposits mature, the need for mining capex has declined, which has been limiting the growth of Australian machinery imports. On the other hand, this same maturity means that more minerals are being exported out of Australia. Consequently, since iron ore prices have rebounded 88% since their December 2015 lows, representing a generous boost to Australian terms of trade, the country’s trade balance has significantly improved. The current account balance has mimicked this improvement; however, it remains at a deficit of 2.6% of GDP (Chart 6). Much of the investment required to develop the mineral deposits present in the country came from outside Australia’s borders. As a result, foreign investors are receiving large amounts of income from their investment, generating a negative income balance for the country. Nonetheless, the Australian basic balance is now positive as net FDI flows represent more than 3% of GDP. Chart 6Australian Balance Of Payments Going forward, we worry that China’s slowdown has not fully played out. This means that Australia’s nominal exports could suffer under the weight of falling metals prices, generating a deterioration in the trade balance, the current account and the basic balance. Worryingly, portfolio inflows into the country would also suffer. Finally, Australian households’ high indebtedness, coupled with pronounced overvaluation evident in key cities like Sydney and Melbourne, could further impede capital inflows into the country. This suggests that from a balance-of-payments perspective, the AUD could witness further depreciation, especially as AUD/USD still trades 10% above its purchasing-power-parity fair value. New Zealand The New Zealand trade balance has fallen to -1.8% of GDP, its lowest level in 10 years. This principally reflects stronger imports growth, as exports are currently growing at a 11% annual rate. A consequence of this worsening trade balance has been a widening current account deficit, which now stands at 3.6% of GDP. New Zealand has not been able to attract enough FDI to compensate for its structural current account deficit. As a result, its perennially negative basic balance currently stands at 2.6% of GDP (Chart 7). This lack of structural funding for its current account deficit is linked to its interest rates, which always stand above the G10 average. Thanks to immigration, New Zealand has an economy with an elevated potential growth rate, and thus a higher neutral rate. This means that on average it tends to run a capital account surplus that is matched by a current account deficit. Inversely, the perennial current account deficit requires higher interest rates in order to be financed via capital inflows. Chart 7New Zealand Balance Of Payments The problem facing the NZD is that kiwi rates, both at the long and short end of the curve, currently stand below U.S. rates. With a negative basic balance of payments, this creates a natural downward bias to the NZD. The kiwi needs to cheapen enough today that its future returns will be expected to be large enough to compensate for the lower yields offered by domestic securities. Since the real trade-weighted NZD currently trades at a 7% premium to its long-term fair value, so long as the interest rate handicap remains, the path of least resistance points south. Only a sustained rebound in global activity will be able to revert this trend in a durable manner. So far, a sustained rebound in global growth is not in the cards. Consequently, any tactical rally in the kiwi will be temporary. Switzerland The Swiss trade surplus may have declined, but it still remains at a very healthy 4.2% of GDP. This deterioration reflects a pick-up in imports, which have been boosted by a rebound in domestic activity in place since late 2015, as well as the expensive nature of the CHF. The Swiss current account surplus is even larger, standing at 10% of GDP. This large surplus is mainly the consequence of Switzerland’s extremely large net international investment position, which stands at almost 120% of GDP. Such a large pool of foreign assets yields a large income balance, which boosts the current account. After a sudden pickup in net FDI flows last year to 10% of GDP, these flows have violently morphed into a net outflow of 8.3% of GDP. Last year’s positive FDI balance was odd, as countries like Switzerland, which run persistent large positive current account balances, tend to export capital, not import it. A consequence of this sudden reversal was to push the basic balance from a surplus of 17% of GDP to a small surplus of 1.5% of GDP (Chart 8). Chart 8Switzerland Balance Of Payments In contrast, Swiss portfolio flows have moved back into a very small surplus, reflecting investors’ desire for safety in a 2018 year full of volatility and global growth disappointments. These flows suggest that generally, investors have been parking their funds in Switzerland, explaining the strengthening of the CHF last year against the EUR. Now that global financial conditions are easing, setting the stage for stabilization in global growth, the expensive CHF is likely to depreciate. The more dovish tone of the Swiss National Bank is likely to catalyze this change. Sweden Since 2016, the Swedish trade balance has been in negative territory, currently standing at 0.6% of GDP. This is a phenomenon not experienced in this country for more than three decades. Two forces have hurt the trade balance. On one hand, boosted by negative interest rates, Swedish consumers have taken on debt and consumed aggressively. This has lifted domestic demand, propping up imports in the process. On the other hand, Sweden is very sensitive to global trade and industrial activity. The slowdown witnessed at the end of last year has dampened Swedish exports. In response to these developments, the Swedish current account balance has declined meaningfully, from 8.3% of GDP in 2007 to 2.2% today. Since Sweden’s net FDI balance is at zero, the basic balance stands at 1.8% of GDP. However, this is toward the low end of its historical distribution (Chart 9). If the deterioration in the current account continues, something we expect as the Riksbank is keeping interest rates at extraordinarily accommodative levels of -0.25%, thus ensuring that import growth will remain robust, the krona will face an increasingly onerous balance-of-payments backdrop. Chart 9Swedish Balance Of Payments The saving grace for the SEK is likely to come from portfolio flows into securities. The trade-weighted krona is cheap, trading at a nearly 2-sigma discount to its long-term fair value, implicitly boosting expected returns from holding SEK-denominated assets. Moreover, the combination of a Riksbank having finally abandoned its efforts to dampen the krona, and some signs of rebound in economic domestic economic activity such as strong PMI readings, points to a high probability of funds flowing into the country. Norway Thanks to rebounding oil prices since 2016, the Norwegian trade balance has also recovered, having moved from a low of 3.8% of GDP to 6.9% of GDP today. This is still well below the levels that prevailed from 2001 to 2013, when the trade balance averaged 14% of GDP. Meanwhile, the Norwegian current account has followed the trend in the trade balance. However, since Norway sports a massive net international investment position equal to 207% of GDP, the current account stands at 7.9% of GDP, boosted by a large income stream from foreign investments. As a country sporting a structural current account surplus, Norway is also an exporter of capital, which means its FDI balance is normally negative. Even though net FDIs today are -4.6% of GDP, the basic balance is nonetheless in surplus at 3% of GDP (Chart 10). This is still a much smaller basic balance than what prevailed from 2001 to 2013. This means that the long-term component of the balance of payments is not as supportive to the NOK as it once was. Chart 10Norway Balance Of Payments Norway also tends to suffer from portfolio outflows. This again is a consequence of the country’s large current account surplus, which is a channel outward via Norway’s massive sovereign wealth fund. Today, the portfolio balance is quite narrow, a consequence of declining oil receipts. However, Norwegian oil production is expected to increase by 50% by 2022. This means that the Norwegian current account will rebound, and portfolio outflows will once again grow. But since portfolios outflows are the mirror image of the current account dynamics, this is likely to be a neutral force for the NOK. Ultimately, we like the NOK because it is very cheap: the real trade-weighted NOK enjoys a one-sigma discount to its long-term fair value. Due to trade-weights, this means the NOK is cheap versus both the EUR and the SEK. Hence, with BCA’s positive view on oil prices and the positive outlook for Norwegian oil production, we would anticipate the NOK performing well against these two currencies on a 12- to 18-month basis.   Mathieu Savary, Vice President Foreign Exchange Strategy mathieu@bcaresearch.com Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Closed Trades

Special Report

Highlights So What? India is overcoming the economic constraints to its strategic rise.  Why? India faces rising political risk once again as public opinion puts Modi’s tenure in power at risk. However, India will continue to improve its economy, as outside pressures will force it to act coherently as a nation. Stay on the sidelines for now but remain constructive over the long run. Feature “An enemy of my enemy is my friend.” This is to paraphrase Kautilya, a philosopher of the Mauryan Empire, circa 200 BC. Kautilya was the Indian Machiavelli and wrote the Arthashastra to give hard-nosed political advice to rulers who wanted to know how kingdoms and states really behave rather than how they ought to behave.1   The quotation is no less true today than it was in ancient times. It explains why risks are rising to our view that Prime Minister Narendra Modi will remain in power after the election in April or May. This reinforces our underweight position on Indian risk assets over a 12-month time horizon. The quotation also explains why China’s growing influence in South Asia will drive India to continue reforming its economy and befriend the United States, thus supporting an optimistic view of India’s economic and investment potential in the long run (Chart 1). What Is India’s Grand Strategy? India’s geopolitical predicament stems from the fact that it is a relatively rational geographic unit, but one whose political unity is extremely difficult to maintain. Almost every side of the subcontinent is demarcated by forbidding geology: the Himalayas, the Bay of Bengal, the Arabian Sea, the thick jungles of Burma. Even the northwest, the traditional route of invaders, hosts vast obstacles like the Hindu Kush and Thar Desert. Any kingdom that takes shape can soon dream of expanding its borders to a natural stopping place (Map 1). Yet formidable obstacles stand between the cradles of Indian civilization – the Indus and Ganges Rivers – and the river ways and coastal outlets of the south. The Vindhya-Satpura mountains, the Deccan plateau, and the eastern and western Ghats make it extremely difficult for a northern power to govern the various cultures of the southern cone.  This geography ensures that empires are always trying and failing to unify the subcontinent into a coherent whole. As a result, India rarely projects power beyond it. When it does, the projection is short-lived.2    Historically India has seen the rise of five major empires that dominated the subcontinent: the Mauryans, the Guptas, the Mughals, the British, and the modern Republic of India (Chart 2). The Mughals and many other invaders periodically streamed in from the northwest – most often from modern-day Afghanistan and northern Pakistan, but also from Iran and southern Pakistan. Meanwhile several European empires invaded from the sea and established coastal settlements. The British East India Company settled in Bengal and then drove west and south, cutting off the French who had settled on the southeastern shores.   The modern Republic of India, founded in 1947 after Mahatma Gandhi and his followers harassed the British into leaving, feared that the United States would follow in Britain’s footsteps, being the world’s preeminent naval power. The Indians also distrusted the U.S.’s constructive relations with China and Pakistan that aimed to “contain” the Soviet Union. The Soviets, by contrast, could apply great pressure on Pakistan’s flank in Afghanistan and thus proved useful to India. They could also sell India weapons and capital goods as founding Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru pursued a socialist path of economic development.  The collapse of the Soviet Union coincided with a balance-of-payments crisis in India in 1991 that resulted in the abandonment of the old command-style economy and the adoption of modern capitalism under the reforms of Narasimha Rao. India also supported the U.S.’s intervention in the region after September 11, 2001 as a way of maintaining pressure on Pakistan’s back door. From this brief history we can glean a few solid points about India’s grand strategy: An Indian empire must establish control along the Indus or Ganges rivers, or both; An Indian empire must assimilate or drive out foreign rulers and unify the north and south; An Indian empire must strive to become the kingmaker across the subcontinent, through influence if not conquest; An Indian empire must fend off an invasion from the sea. The result of Rao’s reforms, India’s achievement of nuclear status in 1998, and nearly three decades of economic growth have been an India that is clearly an emerging “great power.” According to our Geopolitical Power Index, India is today on the cusp of supplanting Russia as the world’s third most powerful state (Chart 3). It surpassed the U.K., its former colonial master, in 1993. Chart 3India On Cusp Of Overtaking Russia In Comprehensive National Power Like China in East Asia, India is modernizing its vast army, developing a blue-water navy, and carving out a sphere of influence in South Asia (Chart 4). Also like China, India’s ambitions of regional hegemony are frustrated by its neighbors. India’s rivalry with Pakistan is foundational and existential – it is as if China faced Taiwan with nuclear weapons. Chart 4India's Military Clout Quietly Rising Today the fragile world order that prevailed in the wake of the Cold War is under severe strain. China’s grand regional ambitions are provoking a harsh reaction from the United States, which is setting up a new “containment policy” to limit China’s technological advance. The U.S. is withdrawing military forces from the Middle East and South Asia as it becomes energy self-sufficient and looking to counter-balance China with its free hand. Meanwhile China’s influence on the subcontinent is growing – already it is a rival to India as a trade partner for India’s South Asian neighbors (Chart 5). The Sino-Indian rivalry has often been overstated – the Himalayas are more than a hindrance. But China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) means that this logic is increasingly out of date. Historically, India faced overland invasions from the northwest and maritime invasions from the northeast. The Belt and Road – of which Pakistan is probably the most comprehensive beneficiary – potentially threatens India from both directions sometime in the future. Chart 5China Encroaching In India's Sphere Of Influence Of course the U.S. and India still face tensions between each other – foremost being the impending withdrawal from Afghanistan and the U.S. “maximum pressure” policy towards Iran (Chart 6). There are also trade tensions with the Trump administration and a broader problem of inconsistent U.S. outreach to India. Nevertheless the logic of “the enemy of my enemy is my friend” suggests that over the long run the U.S. will grow warmer with India as a regional counterweight to China, while India will wish to become less isolationist and cultivate its relationship with the U.S. as a counter both to Pakistan and China. Simply put, China is making historic advances into India’s neighborhood in South Asia and the Indian Ocean basin. Chart 6A Good Sign For U.S.-India Ties: Cooperation On Iran This logic also suggests that India will be driven to continue reforming its economic structure so as to preserve internal unity and South Asian influence. If its economy languishes, it will lose preponderance within its neighborhood and become vulnerable to foreign aggression. Bottom Line: India and the U.S. are likely to see an ever-strengthening strategic partnership. They will overcome hurdles to the relationship because of their mutual need to counter China’s regional ascendancy. India’s Economic Hang-Up India has been ineffective in establishing an international presence because it has only reluctantly and haltingly reformed its economy. Today India’s middle class – measured by the share of adults with total wealth from  $10,000 to $100,000 – is less than 10%, comparable to the Philippines and Thailand. China’s is now above 50%, according to Credit Suisse’s Global Wealth Report (Chart 7).    This weakness stems in great part from policy decisions, namely the dogged pursuit of socialism through the latter stages of the Cold War. The same ruling ideology that prized independence also prized self-sufficiency, doubling down on import-substitution and thus missing the chance to industrialize with the export-oriented Asian Tigers in the 1970s or China in the 1980s. The result of insufficient measures to limit the state, curtail monopolies, contain inflation, and promote trade and private enterprise has been a chronic shortfall of national savings (Chart 8), which are needed to invest in capital projects and boost productivity (Chart 9).3   Chart 8India Lacks National Savings Chart 9India's Lagging Productivity Many of these historic hang-ups have begun to change, however, first under the reforms of the 1990s-2000s and more recently under the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi since 2014. As a result, there are a number of “truisms” about India’s economy that are no longer true. For instance, while India’s government is said to be small and weak due to its federal structure – which empowers the states – the truth is that its government is not notably smaller than that of other comparable emerging markets (Chart 10). There is no doubt that it is harder for India’s leaders to drive their agenda than it is for Russia’s and China’s leaders, but this is due to the type of government rather than the size. India inherited liberal democracy and rule of law from the British and its own revolutionary leaders built on this foundation, providing relative stability despite its patchwork of languages, ethnicities, and castes. Democratic checks and balances have led to better governance. Chart 10India's Government Neither Small Nor Weak The contrast has had clear effects on demography. India has a strong demographic foundation and hence a large internal market and robust labor force growth. China, by contrast, is suffering from the distortive effects of the “One Child Policy” on its working age population. As a result India’s population will increasingly provide the global labor force as China’s workers become scarcer and rise in cost (Chart 11) and as trade conflicts between China and the West drive investors to relocate supply chains. This is also a risk to India, of course, if job creation lags. But that is where other economic improvements come in. Cumulatively, Modi’s policies have improved the trajectory of a capital formation relative to consumption, which will increase productivity, potential growth, and job creation (Chart 12). Chart 12Modi Corrected India's Investment Trajectory On openness to trade, India has largely closed the gap with China and other comparable EMs like Indonesia (Chart 13). And while India has long been highly restrictive toward foreign investment, it is much less so than China (Chart 14), and a slew of policies to ease restrictions has resulted in a surge in foreign direct investment that only recently came off the boil (Chart 15). Chart 13India Not So Closed To Trade Anymore Chart 15Modi Opened India To Foreign Investment Further, while India remains broadly under-invested and has not managed to rebalance its overall economy toward manufacturing, it has created some bright spots within the manufacturing sector, such as autos (Chart 16).4 Modi’s government has significantly improved other conditions that will encourage private investment: the ease of doing business, global competitiveness, infrastructure effectiveness, and human capital (Chart 17). Chart 16Cars A Bright Spot In Indian Manufacturing Bottom Line: India’s grand strategy has historically suffered because internal unity and regional influence could not be achieved with a floundering economy. Over recent decades, however, India’s reforms have accumulated into substantial improvements – and the Modi administration has made some key improvements. But Will Modi Survive? Our baseline case for the general election due in April or May is that Modi and his ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), along with their allies in the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), will remain in power, if narrowly. However, in recent weeks the public opinion polling has taken a turn for the worse for Modi (Chart 18), raising the odds of a hung parliament or opposition victory. Modi still remains well ahead of Rahul Gandhi, the dynastic leader of the opposition Indian National Congress and its United Progressive Alliance (UPA), in terms of popularity (Chart 19). But in some polling he is barely holding onto a double-digit lead. Meanwhile Gandhi’s sudden viability as a candidate is a significant change from only a year ago. Nevertheless the range of seat projections for the lower house of parliament, the Lok Sabha, is very wide and suggests that Modi’s coalition could still win a majority, as long as the opposition’s current rally breaks (Chart 20).   A critical election dynamic points back to Kautilya’s ancient advice. Recently, two major parties in Uttar Pradesh – the key bellwether state – have joined forces to avoid stealing each other’s votes and thus help the opposition take seats. If this scheme works, then the NDA could be outmatched at the polls.5 For investors, however, the key takeaway is that Modi’s reform agenda is past its peak and policy uncertainty can only rise from here: Modi’s seats will certainly shrink from the landslide of 2014 – the BJP is likely to lose its single-party majority, weakening Modi and his party members on their reform agenda. The support of their NDA allies will have to be bought with favorable policy tradeoffs (Chart 21); The high tide of Modi’s movement has already come and gone in the state governments, where the BJP recently lost Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Chhattisgarh, among others (Map 2). It is possible to lose these states and still win the general election, as largely occurred in 2004 and 2009, but state governments are a decisive factor in implementing federal policies and Modi’s influence is now clearly on the wane; Estimates of the NDA’s future gains in the Rajya Sabha, the upper house, suggest that even if Modi stays in power, he will never obtain a majority there (Diagram 1) – meaning that lower house bills other than supply bills will be subject to a veto; Diagram 1Modi Unlikely To Gain Majority In Upper House … Ever Modi is unlikely to have enough seats in the two houses to have the option of driving key legislation through a joint session of parliament. This is a rare occurrence but it would be a valuable ace up the sleeve. Modi’s reform movement has already seen high tide. He will struggle to institute reforms if he is weakened in parliament and the states. This is even truer if a hung parliament occurs, or if the UPA ekes out a slim majority. In essence, the next Indian government will likely be hobbled if Modi’s polling and performance do not recover from here – and even then he will not reclaim the political capital of his first term in office. It would be a mistake, however, to believe that reforms cannot get done without Modi. Prime Minister Rao came from the Congress Party, after all. Moreover, it is possible for India to undertake major reforms with a weak coalition or minority government. This was the backdrop of the critical pro-market reforms of the 1990s. But this implies that there would need to be a market riot to induce additional reform momentum, as was the case at that time, and India is not at a comparable crisis point today.  Bottom Line: Modi’s reform momentum is over. The next government will be weaker and less able to drive major pro-productivity reforms. But eventually reform momentum will recover, driven by the geopolitical forces outlined above. Does Modi Matter? What is the basis for Modi’s loss of momentum? The gist of the problem is that Modi’s reforms were structural and therefore entailed substantial economic and social costs. As a result, Modi has lost support. The good news is that Modi’s achievements thus far will continue to yield benefits for India. To highlight a few: The creation of a single market by means of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) is a significant reform that will ensure a strong legacy for Modi in the long run. However, the new tax obviously does not get voters enthused. The new Bankruptcy Law has helped to cleanse economic inefficiencies. But it has resulted in layoffs and financial deleveraging, weighing on credit growth and the broader economy. Demonetization, the sudden replacement of key denominations of money in circulation, has helped to formalize gray and black parts of the economy. But it was executed in a hugely disruptive manner and various scandals have arisen in the wake of it, hurting the ruling party. Controlling the fiscal deficit has been a federal government objective that has had some success. However, Modi and the state governments are more recently boosting spending ahead of the election to avoid what otherwise would be a negative fiscal thrust this year. This is a factor that should play to Modi’s advantage, although it has not so far. It also highlights the difficulty of fiscal consolidation over the long run (Chart 22). Chart 22Election Cycle Fiscal Easing Is The Norm More concerning, both for Modi and for India, is the unemployment rate. Even the official unemployment rate is rising despite the fast clip of economic growth and the pro-growth reforms (Chart 23). A leaked government statistical report suggests that unemployment has indeed gone up and labor participation has fallen more than the government is willing to admit. Chart 23Even Official Unemployment Is Rising The jury is still out on the extent of the current growth slowdown. Some estimates suggest that the output gap is closed, others say slightly negative. While there has been a soft patch in wage growth – particularly among the important 40% of the population that still works on the farm (Chart 24) – the latest data show improvement. Unit labor costs are ebullient and suggest that employee compensation is rising (Chart 25). The reality could make all the difference for Modi’s coalition at the ballot box. Chart 24Rural Wages Improving... But Is It Enough? Chart 25Will Workers Reward Modi? More importantly, if India cannot keep unemployment down amidst significant labor force growth, then Modi will only become the near-term casualty of a more profound problematic trend. Another long-term concern is Modi’s political pressure on the Reserve Bank of India. This has resulted in the replacement of two orthodox and credible central bankers under Modi’s watch. The result is a noticeably dovish policy shift, as confirmed by the cut of the repo rate to 6.25% (from 6.5%) on February 7. This cut and later cuts may be supported by global growth fears but will raise suspicions of political influence. Any damage to the central bank’s credibility will have lasting negative effects since the election result cannot reverse it (at least not fully). It will feed inflation expectations marginally and insofar as it does it will worsen the conditions for sustainable private sector capital investment. However, inflation is currently low and other reforms – such as the RBI’s adoption of inflation-targeting and ample domestic grain production – will help to offset any new monetary policy risk. Bottom Line: Modi’s reform legacy is mostly positive for India structurally, although the erosion of central bank independence is a critical exception. Investment Implications In the short run, cooperation among Modi’s political opponents poses a risk of removing him from power and short-circuiting his reform agenda. In the long run, cooperation between China and India’s South Asian neighbors poses a risk of undermining India’s grand strategy, driving it into the arms of the United States. In both cases Kautilya’s ancient wisdom is on display.   In the first case, a Modi defeat would be negative for India’s policy continuity, currency, and risk assets. The upside to our baseline view of a Modi victory is not high, however, unless Modi and the BJP surprise to the upside and win a substantial majority. This is unlikely unless the polling changes. In the second case, the geopolitical environment will pressure India to continue reforming and improving its economy so as to maintain internal stability, influence its neighbors, and ward off unwanted foreign influence. With China’s Belt and Road putting pressure on India’s strategic interests, leaders in New Delhi will have a continual motivation to focus on improving the economy as well as seeking alliances. This is the only way to ensure India retains its influence within its neighborhood.  For now, investors should steer clear of the Indian currency and risk assets in absolute terms because Modi’s reforms are priced in; election cycle dynamics are undermining monetary and fiscal policy; and the risk of sharp policy discontinuity is rising. On a relative basis, India may also underperform EM in the short term while oil prices rise: oil prices and India’s equity performance relative to EM are negatively correlated.6 Beyond that, however, India is a structural opportunity. Capital investment in China, which has powered much of the structural bull market in commodities and EM assets over the past two decades, is declining, while India’s is improving (Chart 26). Capex is the key to improving India’s productivity and keeping inflation in check even as the demographic dividend pushes up growth rates. Although many EM economies will suffer from a slowdown in Chinese capex, India is not overly exposed to China or global trade, and it is further along than other EMs in its process of bank deleveraging, which opens the prospect of a new credit cycle that will improve its investment outlook (Chart 27).    Chart 26China Capex Down, India Capex Up Chart 27Deleveraging Enables A New Credit Cycle   Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1      Kajari Kamal, “Kautilya’s Arthashastra: Indian Strategic Culture and Grand Strategic Preferences,” Journal of Defence Studies 12:3 (2018), pp. 27-54, available at idsa.in 2      The medieval Chola Kingdom sailed across the Bay of Bengal and as far as Malacca in 1025. Please see  Manjeet Singh Pardesi, “Deducing India’s Grand Strategy of Regional Hegemony from Historical and Conceptual Perspectives,” Institute of Defense and Strategic Studies, Working Paper 76 (April 2005), available at www.rsis.edu. For an in-depth study of India’s strategic history, see Graham P. Chapman, The Geopolitics of South Asia: From Early Empires to the Nuclear Age (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2009). 3      Please see BCA Emerging Market Strategy Special Report, “Capital Rationing Is Deterring Growth,” February 28, 2012, and “India’s Inflation: How Serious Is The Problem?” January 26, 2010, available at www.bcaresearch.com. 4      Please see BCA Commodity and Energy Strategy Weekly Report, “India’s Commodity Demand, With Or Without Modi,” February 7, 2019, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 5      Please see Milan Vaishnav and Jamie Hintson, “As Uttar Pradesh Goes, So Goes India,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, February 5, 2019, available at carnegieendowment.org. 6      Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, “EM: Sustained Decoupling, Or Domino Effect?”June 14, 2018, available at ems.bcaresearch.com.