Emerging Markets

Highlights OPEC 2.0 agreed to cut output by another 500k b/d at its Vienna meeting last week, bringing the total official cuts by the producer coalition to 1.7mm b/d. Saudi Arabia added 400k b/d of additional voluntary cuts, bringing its total cuts to almost 900k b/d vs. its October 2018 production level. We think the market will tighten, as a result, and are getting long 2H20 Brent vs. short 2H21 Brent; this is the backwardation trade that worked well this year, producing an average return of 180%. There was no extension of OPEC 2.0 output cuts beyond end-March, although an extraordinary meeting of the coalition was scheduled for March 5, 2020. Anti-government civil unrest in Iraq and Iran has resulted in the killing of hundreds of protesters in both countries by state security forces. The unrest raises the threat of disruptions to oil supplies from Iraq and to ships transiting the Strait of Hormuz. Clashes between pro-Iranian protesters and Iraqi nationalists in Baghdad prompted a visit to the city by Iran’s top military commander, Qassem Soleimani, over the weekend. Soleimani reportedly is participating in talks to find a new prime minister for Iraq. Soleimani’s visit drew criticism from Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, the most prominent Shia religious leader in Iraq. Feature OPEC 2.0’s deepening of production cuts to 1.7mm b/d will be largely ceremonial, unless free riders in the producer coalition – led by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) and Russia – fully comply with the new levels agreed last week in Vienna (Chart of the Week).1 Contrary to our expectation, the production cuts were not extended beyond end-March, although an extraordinary meeting of the coalition was scheduled for March 5, 2020, in Vienna to review market conditions prior to the deal’s expiry.2 The market was not expecting anything other than symbolism in the just-concluded discussions among OPEC 2.0 members regarding production cuts. The bulk of the cuts in the coalition’s production are the result of US sanctions against Venezuela and Iran, which have removed ~ 1.8mm b/d from the market and KSA's cuts, which will total ~ 900k b/d following OPEC 2.0's Vienna meeting.  We believe this will lead to a tighter market, and will steepen the backwardation in the Brent forward curve.  We are, therefore, recommending a longer 2H20 Brent position vs. a short 2H21 Brent position. The sanctions-induced cuts are squeezing the economies of both Venezuela and Iran, which, in the case of the latter, is producing a blowback on Iraq. Chart of the WeekOPEC 2.0 Raises Output Cuts To 1.7mm b/d In Vienna Iran Fights To Maintain Influence In Iraq Following an unexpected increase in gasoline prices last month, violent anti-government protests erupted around Iran, which provoked a deadly crackdown by the state. The ongoing unrest has resulted in the death of hundreds of protesters, which, by the US’s estimate, stand at more than 1,000. This claim was refuted by Iranian officials.3 It is impossible to overstate the importance of maintaining freedom of navigation through the Strait of Hormuz. The unrest that followed the gasoline price hike was the deadliest since that country’s Islamic Revolution in 1979, according to the New York Times. The Times reported that the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps opened fire on protestors calling for the removal of leadership, killing scores.4 Protests also erupted in states closely aligned with Iran in the past couple of months – i.e., Lebanon, Iraq.5 For the oil market, Iraq matters most: It is difficult to overstate the importance of keeping Iraq’s 4.7mm b/d of crude oil production flowing to global markets. Likewise, it is impossible to overstate the importance of maintaining freedom of navigation through the Strait of Hormuz, which connects the Persian Gulf with the Arabian Sea and the rest of the world’s oil-consuming markets (Map 1). Map 1The Persian Gulf And Strait of Hormuz More than 20% of the world’s crude oil and condensates supplies transit the Strait on any given day (Chart 2). The anti-government protests in Iraq and Iran raise the threat level to production in Iraq, and attacks on shipping transiting the Strait of Hormuz by the latter, or a direct confrontation with the US and its Gulf allies. Our colleagues in BCA Research’s Geopolitical Strategy (GPS) are following the evolution of events in Iran and Iraq closely. Following is their assessment of what led to the most recent unrest in Iraq.6 Chart 2Violence Again Threatens Gulf Oil Supply Chart 3AFertile Ground For Unrest In Iraq Deadlock In Iraq While both the grievances and demands of the protesters in Lebanon and Iraq are similar, the unrest in Iraq is of much greater consequence from a global investor’s perspective. The trigger was the removal of the highly revered Lieutenant General Abdul-Wahab al-Saadi from his position in the Iraqi army by Prime Minister Adel Abdul-Mahdi.7 The popular general was unceremoniously transferred to an administrative role in the Ministry of Defense. Iraqi protesters are united in their economic grievances, frustrated at a political and economic system that is unwilling to translate economic gains to improved livelihoods for its people. The sacking of al-Saadi – considered a neutral figure – was interpreted as evidence of Iranian influence and the greater sway of the Iran-backed Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), an umbrella organization of various paramilitary groups. Iraqis all over the country responded by attacking the Iranian consulate in Karbala and offices linked to Iranian-backed militias. Iraqi protesters are united in their economic grievances, frustrated at a political and economic system that is unwilling to translate economic gains to improved livelihoods for its people. The May 2018 parliamentary elections, which ushered in Prime Minster Abdul-Mahdi, failed to generate much improvement. The country continues to be plagued by high unemployment, corruption, and an utter lack of basic services (Charts 3A & 3B). This has ultimately resulted in a lack of confidence in Iraqi leadership who are being increasingly perceived as benefiting from the status quo at the expense of the populace. Chart 3BFertile Ground For Unrest In Iraq Most importantly, the ruling elite has failed to respond to key trends that emerged in last year’s parliamentary elections. The extremely low voter turnout reveals that Iraqis are disenchanted with the government's ability to meet their needs. Meanwhile the success of Shia cleric Moqtada al-Sadr’s Sairoon coalition – running on a platform stressing non-sectarianism and national unity – in securing the largest number of seats highlights the desire for a reduction of foreign interference (both Iranian as well as US/Saudi) in domestic politics. Neither the US nor Saudi Arabia have an appetite to step in and provide the support necessary to counteract Iran. Moreover, Iran and its proxies in Iraq will not back down easily. Thus, the ongoing protests are to a great extent the result of the new government’s failure to heed the warnings brought about by the 2018 election and protests. They have served to deepen the rift between the rival Shia blocs, particularly those Iraqi nationalists who deeply resent the intrusion of Iran into its political structures. Iraq is in a state of deadlock. That said, Iran is unlikely to stand by idly as its influence wanes. As a result, we are likely to witness greater unrest as the rift between the two Shia blocs intensifies. Neither the US nor Saudi Arabia have an appetite to step in and provide the support necessary to counteract Iran. Moreover, Iran and its proxies in Iraq will not back down easily. At the same time, the geographical spread of the protest movement demonstrates that Iraqis are fed up with the current system.8 This points to greater instability in Iraq as no side is backing down and the only foreign power willing and able to interfere is Iran. US Sanctions Continue To Pressure Iran The Trump administration’s crippling “maximum pressure” sanctions have sent Iran’s Economy reeling. The Trump administration continues to enforce its “maximum pressure” sanctions, which have reduced Iranian oil exports from 1.8 million barrels per day at their recent peak to 100,000 barrels per day in November (Chart 4). These are crippling sanctions that have sent Iran’s economy reeling. Chart 4Iran Remains Under “Maximum Pressure” Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has ruled out negotiations with Trump. They would be unpopular at home without a major reversal on sanctions from Trump (Chart 5). Chart 5 Major US Reversal Prerequisite For Iran Talks Trump presumably aims to avoid an oil shock ahead of the election. The US and its allies have visibly shied away from conflict in the wake of Iran’s provocations, including the spectacular attack on eastern Saudi Arabia's oil infrastructure that knocked 5.7 million barrels of oil per day offline in September. However, this does not mean the odds of war are zero. Opinion polls show that the Iranian public primarily blames the government for the collapsing economy. The Americans or the Iranians could miscalculate. Both sides might think they can improve their standing at home by flexing military muscle abroad. Iran is a rational actor and would not normally court American airstrikes or antagonize a potentially lame duck president. Yet it is under extreme pressure due to the sanctions, as the riots and protests following the gasoline price hikes indicate. Iran also faces significant unrest in its sphere of influence, as discussed above. Opinion polls show that the Iranian public primarily blames the government for the collapsing economy, and yet that American sanctions are siphoning off some of this anger (Chart 6). This could tempt Iran’s leaders to continue staging provocations in the Strait of Hormuz or elsewhere in the region, perhaps with attacks on US assets or those of its GCC allies. Chart 6Iranians Blame Tehran, Tehran Blames America Hardline Iranian military leaders and politicians currently receive the most favor in polling, while the reformist President Rouhani – undercut by the American withdrawal from the 2015 deal – is among the least popular. Elections for the Majlis, or Parliament, in February will likely reverse the reformist turn in Iranian politics that began in 2012. The regime stalwarts are gearing up for the supreme leader’s succession in the coming years. While a Democratic White House could restore the 2015 deal Trump unilaterally abrogated, that ship may have sailed. Trump, under impeachment, could seek to distract the public. This was Bill Clinton’s tactic with Operations Infinite Reach, Desert Fox, and Allied Force in 1998-99. These operations were minor and not comparable to a conflict with Iran. However, Trump may be emboldened. On paper the US Strategic Petroleum Reserve – along with OPEC and other petroleum reserves and spare capacity – could cover most major oil-shock scenarios. A supply outage the size of the Abqaiq attack in September would have to persist for four months to cause enough price pressure to harm the US economy and decrease Trump’s chances of winning re-election. The simulations in Chart 7 overstate the gasoline price impact by assuming that global strategic oil reserves remain untapped, along with spare capacity. Chart 7Desperation Could Force Iran To Take Excessive Risks Thus while the Iranians may take excessive risks, the Trump administration may not refrain this time from airstrikes. Bottom Line: While the Middle East is always full of risks to oil supply, Iran’s vulnerability and Trump’s status at home make the situation unusually precarious. We continue to believe an historic oil-supply disruption is a fatter tail risk than investors realize, or are pricing in currently. Market Round-Up Energy: Overweight Following the long-awaited OPEC 2.0 meeting held last week, the group “surprised” the market by announcing it will deepen its production cut by ~ 500k b/d, pushing the total cut to 1.7mm b/d. The bulk of the additional adjustments comes from Saudi Arabia (Chart of the Week). Importantly, the group emphasizes the importance of full compliance by every member – this would imply a ~225k b/d reduction from Iraq alone. We remain overweight oil in 2020. Base Metals: Neutral Copper prices rose sharply over the past week, reaching $2.71/lb at Tuesday's close, a level last seen in July 2019. US-China trade optimism last Friday sparked the rally. Copper’s physical market remains tight, inventories are low globally, and demand is set to rebound on the back of major central banks’ accommodative monetary policy. Even so, sentiment and positioning remain weak (Chart 8). We expect this to reverse, further supporting prices over the short term. Precious Metals: Neutral Risk-on sentiment following President Trump’s upbeat comments on US-China trade negotiations pushed gold prices down by $18/oz last Friday – one of the largest single-day declines YTD. Precious metals markets continue to follow the ups and downs of trade-war headlines and global growth-related news. Nonetheless, our fair-value model suggests gold is fairly priced at ~ $1,465/oz (Chart 9). Any significant drop below that level would provide an entry opportunity for investors to add gold as a portfolio hedge in 2020. Ags/Softs: Underweight The USDA released its final crop progress update on Monday. Corn was 8% behind full harvest, with North Dakota remaining the laggard with only 43% of the corn picked. Markets ignored this as March Corn futures slid close to 1.5% on a weekly basis. Chinese purchases of at least five bulk cargo shipments of U.S. soybeans lifted prices above $9/bu on Tuesday in anticipation of the USDA monthly crop production report. Wheat prices were flat on a weekly basis, as traders awaited results of an Egyptian purchase tender on Tuesday. Chart 8Copper Sentiment And Positioning Remain Weak Chart 9Gold Fair Value Is ~ 5/oz   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com     Footnotes 1     Please see On OPEC 2.0’s Agenda In Vienna: More Production Cuts, Longer Deal, published December 5, 2019.  We noted  most of the production cuts that matter to the market already are in place – i.e., Saudi Arabia’s over-compliance of ~ 400k b/d, along with Venezuela’s and Iran’s involuntary production cuts of ~ 1.8mm b/d resulting from US sanctions, as of October 2019.  Under the amended production cuts, KSA agreed to remove close to 170k b/d more, lifting its total official voluntary quota and over-compliance, which brings its total cuts to close to 900k b/d.  The total OPEC 2.0 additional cuts come to just over 500k b/d.  Based on media reports going into the Vienna meeting last week, it would appear Russia prevailed on the producer coalition in its effort to keep the expiry of the production deal at end-March.  However, the March 5 extraordinary meeting of the coalition states indicates KSA was successful in keeping the discussion re extending the deal alive. 2     In our current modeling, we assume the original 1.2mm b/d of cuts will remain in place to year-end 2020.  We will be updating our balances and price forecasts in next week’s Commodity & Energy Strategy. 3    Please see U.S. says Iran may have killed more than 1,000 in recent protests, published by uk.reuters.com December 5, 2019.   Iranian leaders blamed “thugs” aligned with the US and rebels for the violence, and, in a separate report citing an Amnesty International claim that 143 protesters were killed, said “several people, including members of the security forces, were killed and more than 1,000 people arrested.”  Please see Iran says hundreds of banks were torched in 'vast' unrest plot published November 27, 2019, by uk.reuters.com.  The size of the price increase is difficult to ascertain: The government says gasoline costs were increased by 50% with a goal of raising $2.55 billion/year, while other reports claim the hike amounted to as much as 300% in different parts of the country last month. 4    Please see With Brutal Crackdown, Iran Is Convulsed by Worst Unrest in 40 Years, published by the New York Times December 1, 2019. 5    The extent to which these states are entwined with Iran recently came to light via a cache of leaked Iranian diplomatic cables obtained by The Intercept, a not-for-profit news organization established by Pierre Omidyar, a founder of eBay.  The cables were published jointly by The Intercept and the New York Times November 19, 2019.  Please see The Iran Cables: Secret Documents Show How Tehran Wields Power in Iraq, published by the Times.  The article claims “The unprecedented leak exposes Tehran’s vast influence in Iraq, detailing years of painstaking work by Iranian spies to co-opt the country’s leaders, pay Iraqi agents working for the Americans to switch sides and infiltrate every aspect of Iraq’s political, economic and religious life.” 6    This analysis in the remainder of this report is an abridged version of original work published by BCA Research’s GPS service in reports entitled Iraq's Challenge To Iran Is Underrated and 2020 Key Views: The Anarchic Society published November 8 and December 6, 2019.  We believe events over the past week and weekend warrant this in-depth examination of the ongoing unrest and instability in Iraq and Iran.  Both reports are available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 7     Lt. Gen. Abdul-Wahab al-Saadi was recognized and respected among Iraqis for fighting terrorism and his role in ridding the country of the Islamic State. The Iran-backed Popular Mobilization Forces were uneasy with Saadi’s close relationship with the US military. His abrupt removal was likely a result of the Iraqi government’s growing concern over al-Saadi’s popularity and rumors of a potential military coup. 8    Protests are occurring in all regions in Iraq. They are supported by Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani. This is a significant development from the 2018 protests which were mainly concentrated in Iraq’s southern region.   Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades TRADE RECOMMENDATION PERFORMANCE IN 2019 Q3 Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Trades Closed in 2019 Summary of Closed Trades

Overweight The handsome year-over-year SPX return will hit a zenith later this month of roughly 35%. However, putting this impressive recovery from last year’s doldrums in perspective is instructive. Tech stocks (including GOOGL and FB) have massively outperformed the SPX (top panel). Within the tech universe, software stocks have in turn trounced the tech sector (top panel). In fact, the SPX return profile excluding tech stocks is eerily similar to the emerging markets that have been global laggards and failed to break out to fresh cycle highs (bottom panel). In other words, returns have been extremely concentrated, and if portfolio managers have missed the software rally, then they have left sizable returns on the table. As a reminder, while we recommend a benchmark allocation on the S&P tech sector, we have been secularly overweight the S&P software index since November 27, 2017, and we are currently up 35 percentage points above and beyond the SPX’s return, since inception. Bottom Line: Stay overweight the S&P software index, but maintain the trailing stop at the 27% return mark since inception. The ticker symbols for the stocks in this index are: BLBG – S5SOFT: MSFT, ADBE, CRM, ORCL, INTU, NOW, ADSK, ANSS, SNPS, CDNS, NLOK, FTNT, CTXS.  

Highlights We expect tensions from the Sino-US trade war to marginally ease in 2020, in the run-up to the US presidential election. The “Phase One” trade deal will likely be signed with a good possibility of some tariff rollbacks. Chinese policymakers will roll out more stimulus to secure an economic recovery in 2020, and external demand will improve. But we expect growth in both the domestic economy and exports to only modestly accelerate. During the next 6 to 12 months, investors should remain bullish on both Chinese A shares and investable stocks, while keeping in mind that relative outperformance, particularly for A-shares, could be frontloaded in the first half of the year. Despite sharply rising amount of defaults, Chinese onshore bonds are priced at a much higher premium than warranted by their default risk. We continue to favor Chinese onshore corporate bonds in both absolute terms and in relative to duration-matched government bonds. Feature BCA Research recently published its special year end Outlook report for 2020, which described the macro themes that are likely to drive global financial markets over the coming year. In this week’s China Investment Strategy report we elaborate on the Outlook, by reviewing our four key themes for China in the year ahead. Key Theme #1: Tension From The Trade War With The US Will Ease In 2020 Despite the harsh rhetoric and threats of retaliation from both the US and China, we expect that the real risks to the global economy from the Sino-US trade war will decline in 2020. In trade negotiations next year, both President Trump and President Xi will need to adjust to their respective constraints. Both President Trump and President Xi will need to adjust to their respective constraints next year. Trump must sustain a strong domestic economy to increase his re-election odds. He will cater to the US economy and financial markets, by trying to de-escalate trade tensions and keeping negotiations going with China. This means he is likely to hold off on tariffs on China, and quite possibly even agree to roll back tariffs to August 2019 or April 2019 levels (Chart 1). Chart 1Some Tariff Rollback Is Possible President Xi also faces economic constraints as the Chinese economy is on an unsure footing.  The buildup in leverage in the non-financial sector over the past decade has prevented Chinese policymakers from aggressively stimulating the economy by relying on the old debt-oriented policies. Chinese policymakers are concerned about employment stability.1 The private sector, which accounts for 80% of all job creation in China, has been disproportionally hit by the trade war and tariffs compared to the more domestically oriented state-owned enterprises. These economic constraints suggest that it is in China’s best interest to avoid any further friction with the US. Therefore, the “Phase One” trade deal will likely be signed, with a good possibility of some tariff rollbacks. Trade talks will continue in the run-up to the US presidential election, and any escalation will probably occur in non-trade, non-tariff areas. This means that policy uncertainty surrounding the Sino-US trade war will decline in 2020. Bottom Line: We expect tensions from the Sino-US trade war to marginally ease in 2020. However, the risk to this base case view is high and geopolitical uncertainty remains elevated, as suggested by our Geopolitical Strategy team.2 Trade war tensions could re-emerge, which potentially could end the global business cycle and equity bull market. Key Theme #2: Stimulus Versus Shock: Approaching An Inflection Point We presented some simple “arithmetic” in May showing that in order for investors to be bullish on Chinese stocks, the impact of China’s reflationary efforts needed to more than offset the negative shock to the economy from tariffs.3 In other words, a bullish Chinese equity scenario required Stimulus – Shock > 0. In terms of China’s real economy, 2019 essentially panned out to be a Stimulus – Shock =0 scenario, with a “half strength” reflationary response (measured by its credit impulse) barely offsetting the trade shock to the economy (Chart 2). So far on an aggregate level, the shock from tariffs on China’s economy has had a limited direct impact.  This is because exports to the US account for only 3.6% of China’s aggregate economy, whereas domestic capex accounts for more than 40% (Chart 3). Our calculation suggests a 10% annualized decline in export growth to the US would shave off 0.4 percentage points from China’s nominal GDP growth. Chart 2This Year, Measured Stimulus Has Just Offset Shocks To The Economy Chart 3Domestic Demand Much More Important Than Exports To The US Additionally, evidence suggests that a large portion of China’s exports to the US has been rerouted through peripheral countries, such as Taiwan and Vietnam (Chart 4). This fact explains why China’s exports have been in-line with the trend of global trade this year (Chart 5). Chart 4Chinese Exports Finding Alternative Routes To The US... Chart 5...And Total Exports Have Been Holding Up Chart 6China's Economic Slowdown Predates The Trade War It is important for investors to remember that China’s current economic slowdown predates the trade war and is due to its domestic financial deleveraging campaign that began in early 2017. The trade war exacerbated an existing downward trend in the economy, but was not the cause of it (Chart 6).  In 2020, while we expect a ceasefire in the trade war and a potential rollback of tariffs would ease the shock to China’s economy, we also believe that more pro-growth policy support is underway.4 From an investment perspective, this means both China’s economic conditions and corporate earnings will improve, supporting a bullish cyclical outlook for China-related assets. Still, several reasons point to the overall scale of stimulus being less than that of 2015-16, and the upside to China’s export growth will likely be limited given elevated geopolitical uncertainties. Therefore, it is unrealistic to expect a material acceleration in Chinese economic growth in 2020: China is still falling short of its target to double urban income by 2020. Chart 7A 6% Growth Next Year May Just Make The Cut Next year will mark the final year for Chinese policymakers to accomplish the goal of “Doubling GDP by 2020”. Without the recent upward revision to the level of its 2018 nominal GDP by 2.1%, China's economy would have to expand by at least 6.1% in 2020 to achieve the goal. The upward revision allows a lower economic growth rate in 2020 to reach the goal (Chart 7). China is still falling short of its target to double urban income by 2020 (Chart 8). While keeping economic growth and employment stable remains a top priority, the recent slight improvement in employment should provide some relief to Chinese policymakers (Chart 9). Chart 8China Is Falling Short Of Urban Income Target... Chart 9...But There Is Some Relief In The Labor Market     Monetary policy will remain accommodative, with room for further cuts to interest rates and the reserve requirement ratio (RRR). Nonetheless, we think Chinese policymakers will only allow monetary policy to loosen incrementally and modestly, while keeping a lid on corporate leverage. According to a recent article published by Yi Gang, the governor of China’s central bank, the PBoC will be keen to avoid another boom-bust cycle.5  Fiscal stimulus will continue to take the center stage in supporting growth in 2020, as noted in our November 20th China Investment Strategy Weekly.6  We expect that the National People’s Congress in March 2020 will approve higher quotas on issuing local government bonds, and loosened capital requirements will likely further boost local governments’ infrastructure project funding and expenditures. Transportation and urban development infrastructure projects will likely to continue receiving the most policy support in 2020. Other areas such as environmental protection, education, and social security will continue to be the Chinese government’s focus. These areas are unlikely to translate into immediate economic growth, but will improve China’s long-term economic and social structures. In contrast, compared to the 2015-2016 cycle, housing construction will receive less fiscal support (Chart 10). Overall, we expect the Chinese government to set next year’s real GDP growth target between 5.5 - 6.0%, a half of a percentage point lower than the growth target for 2019. Despite slower real output growth, nominal GDP and economic conditions will bottom in the first quarter of 2020, subsequently pushing up core inflation and reversing an ongoing deflation in the industrial sector (Chart 11). Chart 10Transportation And Urban Development Projects Are Again In Favor Chart 11Nominal Output Will Tick Up Soon   Bottom Line: Chinese policymakers will roll out more stimulus to secure an economic recovery in 2020, and external demand will improve. But we expect growth in both the economy and export to only modestly accelerate. Key Theme #3: Improved Earnings Outlook Supports A Cyclically Bullish View On Chinese Stocks A combination of further policy support, improved earnings and decreased trade tensions should provide tailwinds to Chinese stocks in 2020. Chinese stocks will outperform the global benchmark over a cyclical time horizon (6- to 12-months), for the following reasons:   Valuations are depressed relative to global averages: the forward P/E ratios of both China’s onshore A-shares and offshore investable stocks are well below the global benchmark (Chart 12).  While the forward P/E ratio of the A-share index is hovering around 12 times, the investable market has particularly suffered a setback from uncertainties surrounding the trade war. Even taking into account that structural weakness in the Chinese corporate earnings growth justifies for a lower multiple than the global average, both Chinese onshore and offshore stocks are offering even deeper discounts than their peaks in 2018, compared to global benchmarks. Chart 12Valuations Of Chinese Stocks Are Depressed Chart 13Chinese Corporate Earnings Closely Track Economic Conditions Both the economy and earnings growth will improve: We expect the Chinese economy to bottom in the first quarter of 2020. Given the close correlation between the coincident economic activity and earnings cycle, we expect earnings to also improve in 2020 (Chart 13).  Improved corporate earnings next year will be the catalyst for the currently cheap multiples in Chinese stocks to re-rate, and re-approach their early 2018 high. Our Earnings Recession Probability Model shows that the probability of an upcoming earnings recession has dropped to 35% from its peak of 85% in early 2019 (Chart 14).  Additionally, Chart 15 highlights that the 12-month forward EPS momentum has turned modestly positive. Chart 14Probability Of An Upcoming Earnings Recession Has Significantly Dropped Chart 1512-Month Forward EPS Momentum Has Turned Modestly Positive There are, however, a few caveats to our bullish cyclical view on Chinese stocks. First, while it is not our base case view, geopolitical risks, particularly the Sino-US trade war, could end the global business cycle and equity bull market in 2020. Within the context of falling global stocks, we think Chinese domestic A shares would passively outperform global benchmarks, as A shares are mostly driven by China’s domestic credit and economic growth, and are less sensitive to trade frictions. But investable stocks would clearly underperform in this scenario. The odds are decent that all of the outperformance of Chinese stocks in 2020 will be frontloaded in the first half of the year. Secondly, the odds are decent that all of the outperformance of Chinese stocks in 2020 will be frontloaded in the first half of the year. We expect credit growth, infrastructure spending and the economy to improve in the first quarter. If the “Phase One” trade deal is also signed during that period, onshore A shares and investable stocks will significantly outperform their global counterparts in the first and possibly the early part of the second quarter. However, in the second half of next year, if the Chinese economy stabilizes but stimulus does not ramp up further, then the upside potential in both bourses may be capped as investors will question whether Chinese stocks will continue to gain ground in relative terms. We will closely monitor Chinese credit growth and trade negotiations throughout 2020 to determine if there is more eventual upside potential to economic growth, and thus Chinese earnings prospects, than we currently believe.  While we recommend a cyclically bullish stance towards Chinese stocks for next year, our tactical (i.e. 0-3 month) stance remains neutral. We expect to align our tactical and cyclical stances soon, and are awaiting confirmation of a hard data improvement alongside a breakout of key technical conditions to do so.7 Bottom Line: During the next 6 to 12 months, investors should remain bullish on both Chinese A shares and investable stocks within a global equity portfolio. However, investors should also keep in mind that the relative outperformance, particularly for the A-share market, could be frontloaded in the first half of 2020. Key Theme #4: We Continue To Favor Chinese Onshore Bonds, Despite Default Concerns  Chart 16Global Investors Are Piling Into The Chinese Bond Market Despite sharply rising defaults, Chinese onshore bonds are still priced at a much higher premium than warranted by their default risk. This view is increasingly shared by global investors, as evident in the capital flows into China’s onshore bond market (Chart 16). While the total amount of bond defaults in the first eleven months of 2019 was an astonishing 120.4 billion yuan, they account for only half percent of China’s total onshore bonds issued.  A 0.5 percent default rate is in line with global ex-US, and 160 bps below the default rate in the US (Chart 17). Yet, Chinese corporate bond spreads are about 150-175 bps higher than their US counterparts, an overpriced risk premium in our view (Chart 18). Recently, despite mounting defaults, China’s corporate bond spreads have continued to narrow. This suggests that investors do not expect the record-high level of defaults in the past two years to damage China’s corporate sector in the near future. Moreover, China’s monetary policy remains ultra-loose, liquidity conditions have been largely stable, RMB devaluation and capital outflows have both been under control, and the Chinese economy is expected to bottom in the next quarter. Chart 17Chinese Default Rate Well Below Global Average Chart 18The Risk Premium Assigned To Chinese Corporate Bonds Seems Overdone Bottom Line: We continue to favor Chinese onshore corporate bonds in both absolute terms, and in relative to duration-matched government bonds.   Jing Sima China Strategist jings@bcaresearch.com     Footnotes 1    “China to take multi-pronged measures to keep employment stable,” State Council Executive Meeting, December 4, 2019. 2   Please see Geopolitical Strategy Special Report "2020 Key Views: The Anarchic Society," dated December 6, 2019, available at gps.bcaresearch.com 3   Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report "Simple Arithmetic," dated May 15, 2019, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 4, 6, 7   Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report "Questions From The Road: Timing The Turn," dated November 20, 2019, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 5   https://www.chainnews.com/articles/745634370915.htm Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations

Highlights The Fed is the usual culprit for killing business cycles — but the Fed is on hold. This makes geopolitics the likeliest candidate to kill the cycle. The key geopolitical risks are US political turmoil, China’s economic policy, and the US-Iran confrontation. Nevertheless, policymakers are adjusting to the threat of recession, which points to a continuation of this long-in-the-tooth expansion. The US-China talks will be driven by Trump’s need for an economic boost ahead of the US election. If the economy or Trump’s approval rating fails anyway, then all bets are off. Go long gold as a strategic hedge. Feature Great power struggle, or “multipolarity,” continues to be our mega-theme in 2020. The world does not operate like a normal society, with a single government that possesses a monopoly on the use of force and ensures stability. Nations are individualistic, armed, and dangerous, creating what scholar Hedley Bull once called “The Anarchical Society.” This is not pure chaos, but rather a community of nations that lacks a clear and undisputed leader. Hence, quarrels break out often. Updating our geopolitical power index shows that the rise of China remains the most disruptive trend in global politics (Chart 1). The gap between the US and China has closed until recently, with China’s downshift in growth rates, but American fear is just being awakened (Chart 2). Given that Beijing threatens the US’s military and technological dominance over the long run, Washington will continue to develop a containment policy. Chart 1China's Geopolitical Rise Is Disruptive Chart 2China-US Power Gap Is Narrowing China is too big to quarantine, especially for a relatively unpopular first-term American president who eschews international coalition-building. The European Union’s decline in relative power is more marked than that of the United States, but China does not pose as much of a security threat to Europe. This trend exacerbates the already serious divergence in the trans-Atlantic alliance – which will worsen if Trump wins on November 3, 2020. Hence, globalization faces persistent challenges, as indicated by the falling import share of global output (Chart 3). This multi-decade process has peaked, creating a headwind for trade-exposed firms over the long run. What about the next 12 months? Will geopolitics kill the bull market? Not necessarily. Just as central bankers have cut interest rates to guard against deflationary risks (Chart 4), so the key governments are adjusting policies to avoid recessionary risks, especially with the memory of 2008 still fresh. Simply put: The Fed is on pause, Trump wants to be reelected, and China cannot afford a hard landing. Chart 3Globalization Faces Challenges Chart 4Policymakers Are Reacting To Deflationary Risks Clearly the risks to this view are elevated. The chief ones: (1) President Trump becomes a lame duck, cannot run on an economic platform, and thus makes a desperate attempt to win as a “war president” (2) Xi Jinping overestimates his advantage, in domestic or foreign policy, and makes a policy mistake (3) the US-Iran conflict spirals out of control due to Iran’s economic vulnerability. Other risks, such as Brexit, pale by comparison. Fear And Loathing On The Campaign Trail It is too soon to declare that Trump’s presidency is finished. On the contrary he is slightly favored to win reelection: • The Senate is unlikely to remove him from office. Republican support for the president is well above average despite evidence that Trump tried to get Ukrainian officials to investigate his political rival (Chart 5). The implication is that a year from now Democrats will have suffered a policy failure while Trump will have been cleared of charges. Chart 5Trump Still Popular Among Republicans • The odds of recession in the coming year are low. The US voter is buffered by rising real incomes and wages and high net wealth (Chart 6). To unseat a sitting president requires a recessionary backdrop that fundamentally discredits him and his party – not just slowing growth. Chart 6Pocketbook Voter Theory To The Test • Trump’s low approval rating does not prohibit him from reelection. While historically low, it is also historically stable. Our quantitative election model – which predicts Trump will win the Electoral College with 279 votes by clinging onto Pennsylvania – shows that Trump’s victory margin would increase if we looked not at the average level of his approval but at its change, momentum, or low range (i.e. stability). Table 1 shows the results of all four variations of his approval rating, with ascending chances of winning key swing states. Table 1All Measures Of Trump’s Approval Rating Get Him 270 Electoral College Votes Trump’s odds of winning will affect the US equity market throughout the year. As long as he remains competitive, i.e. neither scandal nor the economy cause his approval rating to break down, he will have reason to temper his policies to cater to US financial markets. Foreign and trade policies are Trump’s only ways to improve the economy and voter support. Trump’s only remaining way to boost the economy and improve voter support lies in foreign policy and trade policy. Specifically, he will stop increasing tariffs on China – and maybe even roll back tariffs to August 2019 or even April 2019 levels (Chart 7) – at least as long as the manufacturing recession persists. Chart 7Some Tariff Rollback Is Possible China is unlikely to implement painful structural changes when Trump could be gone in 12 months’ time. Strategic tensions outside of trade will undermine any ceasefire. Hence economic policy uncertainty will remain elevated even though it will drop off from recent peaks. Assuming the electoral constraint prevents Trump from levying sweeping tariffs on China or Europe, he will be limited to other foreign and trade policies to try to boost his approval rating or fire up his base: • We expect a third summit with Kim Jong Un of North Korea. Trump is rumored to be considering some troop reduction in exchange for progress on denuclearization (neither of which would be irreversible). • Otherwise Trump could turn to saber-rattling, since Pyongyang is threatening to resume long-range tests and the economic consequences of another round of “fire and fury” would be limited. • Trump could also rattle the saber against Iran, Venezuela, or other rogue states. If Trump becomes uncompetitive in the election, then the market will sell off. The market will have to price not only policy discontinuity (e.g. higher taxes), but also the chance of a progressive-populist taking the White House. Moreover, if a Democrat is able to unseat an incumbent president, the Democrats will take the Senate as well. Trump is a known unknown; this scenario would be an unknown unknown. The Democratic Party’s primary election will consume the first half of the year. It culminates in the Democratic National Convention, strategically chosen to take place in Milwaukee, Wisconsin on July 13-16. Wisconsin is one of three critical swing states. Will former Vice President Joe Biden win the nomination? A high conviction is not warranted. Biden is clearly the frontrunner, but we think a progressive can pull it off. A simulation of the Democratic Convention “pledged delegates,” based on November polling in the first four primary elections, shows Biden far short of a majority (Chart 8). He needs to outperform his polls, but this will be difficult given that he is well-known, has not performed well in debates, and will have Mayors Pete Buttigieg and Michael Bloomberg nipping at his heels in the Midwest and Northeast, respectively. Chart 8Do Not Discount A Progressive Win Over time, candidates will drop out, so it is more informative to look at the “centrist” candidates as a whole compared to the “progressives.” Here the early primary polling suggests that the progressives will come closest to victory (Chart 9). Chart 9Progressives Come Closest To Victory The trend within the party is to move to the left. Senators Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders are tied as voters’ second choice – even Buttigieg supporters are split between Biden and Warren (Chart 10). What is unknown is whether Warren (or Sanders) can consolidate the progressive vote faster than Biden (or Buttigieg) consolidates the centrist vote. Chart 10If Biden Falters, Progressives Are Next In Line Chart 11Structural Imbalances Give Rise To Populism Trends pointing toward a progressive victory may not at first trouble the market, but any signs that a progressive is pulling ahead decisively will force investors to sharply upgrade the probability that he or she will win the White House. This will cause equity volatility, which could become self-reinforcing. A progressive nominee would force investors to recognize that populism and political risk are here to stay – which is our expectation given that they are motivated by polarization, inequality, and other structural imbalances in the United States (Chart 11). Left-wing or progressive populism is far more negative for corporate earnings than Trump’s right-wing or “pluto-populism.” Sanders or Warren present the worst case for investors because they favor trade protectionism in addition to higher taxes and minimum wages. Most presidents achieve their chief legislative priority in their first term and there is no reason to assume a progressive presidency would be any different. The implication is higher corporate taxes as well as individual taxes to pay for a sweeping expansion of the social safety net – positive for the economy perhaps but negative for corporate earnings. Chart 12A Progressive Win Threatens Key Sectors An extensive re-regulation of the US economy would occur regardless, since it falls under executive authority. It would affect the key equity sectors in the US bourse, technology and health (Chart 12), as well as energy and financials. The choice of a centrist Democrat like Biden (or Buttigieg) would be the least negative outcome for US equities of all the Democrats. The market would probably cheer a Trump versus Biden matchup for this reason. Biden favors higher taxes and regulation but is an establishment politician and known quantity. However, even Biden will be pulled to the left by the current within his party once in office; and Buttigieg will govern to the left of Biden. Trump’s reelection would spur a relief rally in US equities, but it would be short-lived. He would solidify low taxes and deregulation and would have a real chance of passing an infrastructure package. But he would also curtail labor force growth with his border wall and double down on trade protectionism – likely against Europe as well as China this time. His unpredictable and aggressive tendencies would be turbo-charged by a new popular mandate. We expect to cut back on risk exposure upon Trump’s reelection, assuming the bull market has survived to return him to office. A Democratic victory would mark another reversal in US policy orientation. Given our view that the White House call is also the Senate call, this would be the third time since 2008 that the country has witnessed a total reversal. Domestic American political risk will not end with the election: a legitimacy crisis could follow a narrow election, and institutional erosion continues regardless. It is too soon to call peak polarization, as the election will result in either a left-wing government bent on redistributing wealth or a right-wing Trump administration that exacerbates inequality. A centrist "return to normalcy" is possible with a Biden or Buttigieg victory. This reinforces our constructive cyclical view. Bottom Line: The chief risk from US politics in 2020 is Trump becoming a lame duck and resorting to belligerent foreign policy to try to win back voters through a rally around the flag. The chief risk of the Democratic nomination, and the general election, is a left-wing populist winning the White House. Any Democratic victory would likely bring the Senate, removing a key constraint. Over time the median voter is moving to the left. The Man Who Changed China Chart 13Xi Is Purging Misallocated Capital Xi Jinping undoubtedly represents a “new era” in China – a reassertion of Communist Party rule. The party faced a crisis of legitimacy amid the Great Recession and Arab Spring and was determined to regain political, economic, and social control. Xi had previously been anointed but was all too happy to take on the role of neo-Maoist strongman. Yet Xi’s playbook is close to that of President Jiang Zemin’s: centralize the party, repress dissent, modernize the military, restructure banks and the economy, upgrade the country’s science and technology, and expand China’s global influence. The difference is that while Jiang rode the high tide of globalization, Xi is riding the receding tide. Jiang culled two-thirds of the country’s state-owned enterprises, laying off over 40 million people, confident that a surge of new growth would ensue. Xi is also cracking down – allowing bankruptcies to purge misallocated capital (Chart 13) – but with a large debt load and shrinking labor force, he needs the state sector to put a floor under growth rates. The takeaway is that Xi will act pragmatically to boost growth when China’s stability is threatened, as he did in 2015-16. The trade war has already forced him to backtrack on the 2017-18 deleveraging campaign and stimulate the economy. The combined fiscal and credit impulse amounts to 6.6% of GDP from trough to now, and it hasn’t peaked. The implication is that Chinese growth – and global growth – will pick up from here (Chart 14). Chinese authorities are still trying to contain the growth in leverage, which has kept this year’s stimulus in check. But the chief banking regulator has also stated that as long as the macro-leverage ratio is not growing faster than 10%, this goal is met (Chart 15). Chart 14Chinese Growth Will Pick Up Chart 15China Says Leverage Already Contained The economy has not yet durably bottomed, so the state will continue adding support. The coming year is the third and final year of the “Three Battles” – against poverty, pollution, and systemic risk – as well as the final year of the thirteenth five-year plan. Beijing is falling short on its targets for real urban per capita income (Chart 16) and poverty elimination (Chart 17). A last-minute rush to meet these targets is likely and will require more fiscal stimulus. Chart 16Beijing Falls Short Of Urban Income Target... Chart 17...And Poverty Target This is not an argument for a blowout credit splurge. China is saving dry powder for a further escalation in the US containment strategy and a worse economic downturn. Do not expect a blowout Chinese credit splurge. The core constraint on policy is unemployment. Stimulus efforts have created a bottom in the employment component of the manufacturing PMI as well as a notable uptick in the demand for urban labor (Chart 18). To withdraw stimulus now – or tighten policy – would be to trigger a relapse in an economy that is ultimately at risk of a debt-deflation trap. Chart 18Chinese Stimulus Shows Up In Employment Chart 19A Banking Crisis Is A Risk To The Chinese Economy Tougher controls on credit and shadow banking have seen an uptick in corporate defaults and bank failures. With the government deliberately imposing pain on bloated sectors of the economy, financial turmoil could spread. Newspaper mentions of defaults, layoffs, and bankruptcies have only slightly subsided since stimulus efforts began (Chart 19). If bank failures spiral out of control, the economy will tank. The state will have to fight fires. Tariffs have accelerated the trend of firms relocating out of China, which began because of rising wages and a darkening business environment (Chart 20). A questionable trade ceasefire will not reverse the process as American and Asian companies are seeking a lasting solution, which requires them to set up shop elsewhere. China will want to mitigate the process, first by stabilizing domestic growth, and second by accepting Trump’s tactical trade retreat. Xi is also trying to avoid diplomatic isolation by courting trade partners other than the US, since the ceasefire is unreliable and the US containment strategy is presumed to continue. This involves outreach to the rest of Asia, Russia, and Europe, and even to distrustful neighbors like Japan and India. Europe is the swing player. China’s Asian neighbors, and Australia and New Zealand, have reason to fear Beijing’s growing clout and seek the US’s security umbrella. Russia and China are informal allies. But the European public is not interested in the new cold war – China does not threaten Europe from next door, like Russia does, and the Trump administration is threatening Europe with both trade war and Middle Eastern instability. European leaders are happy to take the market share that the US is leaving, as is clear from direct investment (Chart 21). Only a concentrated US diplomatic effort can address this divergence, which is not forthcoming in 2020. Chart 20Firms Are Relocating Out Of China Chart 21Europe Exploits US-China Rift A new Democratic administration, or a change in Trump strategy in the second term, could eventually produce a multilateral western coalition demanding that China open up and liberalize parts of its economy. But Europe will need to be convinced of the underlying reality that China is doubling down on the state-led industrial policies that provoked the Americans to begin with. Beijing is after economic self-sufficiency, indigenous innovation, and leadership in high-tech production and new frontiers. Its official research and development budget is not its only means for achieving this end (Chart 22) – it also has state-backed acquisitions and cyber campaigns. Germany and Europe have begun scrutinizing Chinese investment, separately from the United States. Chart 22Beijing Is After Economic Self-Sufficiency The danger to China – and the world – is that Xi Jinping might overplay his hand. He could overtighten money, credit, or property regulations and spoil the economy when global growth is vulnerable. His anti-corruption campaign is a telling reminder of his heavy hand in domestic affairs (Chart 23). Chart 23Xi Jinping Risks Overplaying His Hand Chart 24China Needs To Calm Things Down He could also suppress protesters in Hong Kong and rattle sabers over Taiwan or the South China Sea in a way that undermines the trade ceasefire. Or he could fail to bring the North Koreans to heel. These strategic tensions are significant only insofar as they undermine the trade ceasefire or provoke US-China saber-rattling. Failing to act as an honest broker in the Iran crisis would also irk Europeans and give them an excuse to side with the US. Bottom Line: China will continue modestly stimulating the economy next year to achieve a durable stabilization in growth. The risk of debt-deflation and rising unemployment ultimately necessitates this policy. Beijing can accept Trump’s tariff rollback for the sake of stability – China’s policy uncertainty relative to the rest of the world is off the charts and Beijing has an interest in calming things down (Chart 24). Yet Beijing will double down on indigenous innovation, while courting the rest of the world so as to preempt criticism and isolate the Americans. The risk is that Xi proves too heavy-handed when it comes to domestic leverage, the tech grab, strategic disputes, or trade talks with Washington. The Strait Of Hormuz Risk Chart 25US-Iran Conflict Still Unresolved In a special report earlier this year entitled “The Polybius Solution” we argued that while the US-China conflict is the major long-term geopolitical conflict, the US-Iran showdown could supersede it in the short term. This remains a risk for 2020, as the Trump administration’s confrontation with Iran is fundamentally unresolved (Chart 25). The Trump administration is still enforcing “maximum pressure” sanctions, which have reduced Iranian oil exports from 1.8 million barrels per day at their recent peak to 100,000 barrels per day in November (Chart 26). These are crippling sanctions that have sent Iran’s economy reeling. Chart 26Iran Remains Under Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has ruled out negotiations with Trump. They would be unpopular at home without a major reversal on sanctions from Trump (Chart 27). Chart 27Major US Reversal Prerequisite For Iran Talks Trump presumably aims to avoid an oil shock ahead of the election. The US and its allies have visibly shied away from conflict in the wake of Iran’s provocations, including the spectacular attack on eastern Saudi Arabia that knocked 5.7 million barrels of oil per day offline in September. However, this does not mean the odds of war are zero. The Americans or the Iranians could miscalculate. Both sides might think they can improve their standing at home by flexing their muscles abroad. Iran is a rational actor and would not normally court American airstrikes or antagonize a potentially lame duck president. Yet it is under extreme pressure due to the sanctions. It faces significant unrest both at home and in its sphere of influence (Iraq and Lebanon). Opinion polls show that the public primarily blames the government for the collapsing economy, and yet that American sanctions are siphoning off some of this anger (Chart 28). This could tempt the leaders to continue staging provocations in the Strait of Hormuz or elsewhere in the region. Chart 28Iranians Blame Tehran, Tehran Blames America Hardline military leaders and politicians currently receive the most favor in polling, while the reformist President Rouhani – undercut by the American withdrawal from the 2015 deal – is among the least popular (Chart 29). The Majlis (parliament) elections in February will likely reverse the reformist turn in Iranian politics that began in 2012. The regime stalwarts are gearing up for the supreme leader’s succession in the coming years. While a Democratic White House could restore the 2015 deal, that ship may have sailed. Chart 29Rouhani And Reformists In Trouble A historic oil supply disruption is a fatter tail risk than investors realize. Chart 30The Iranians May Take Excessive Risk Trump, under impeachment, could seek to distract the public. This was Bill Clinton’s tactic with Operations Infinite Reach, Desert Fox, and Allied Force in 1998-99. These operations were minor and not comparable to a conflict with Iran. However, Trump may be emboldened. On paper the US strategic petroleum reserve (along with OPEC and other petroleum reserves) could cover most major oil shock scenarios. According to Hugo Bélanger, Senior Analyst at BCA Research Commodity & Energy Strategy, a supply outage the size of the Abqaiq attack in September would have to persist for four months to cause enough price pressure to harm the US economy and decrease Trump’s chances of winning reelection. The simulations in Chart 30 overstate the gasoline price impact by assuming that global oil reserves remain untapped. Thus while the Iranians may take excessive risks, the Trump administration may not refrain this time from airstrikes. Bottom Line: While the Middle East is always full of risks to oil supply, Iran’s vulnerability and Trump’s status at home make the situation unusually precarious. A historic oil supply disruption is a fatter tail risk than investors realize. Europe Is A Price Taker, Not A Price Maker Just as the US and China have a shared incentive to avoid tariff-induced recession, so the UK and EU have a shared incentive to prevent a shock reversion to basic WTO tariffs. The December 31, 2020 deadline for the UK-EU trade deal, like the various deadlines for Brexit itself, can be delayed. Even Prime Minister Boris Johnson has proved unwilling to exit without a deal and even a hung parliament has proved capable of preventing him from doing so. The negotiation of a trade deal – which is never easy and always drags on – will be a lower-order risk in the wake of the past two years’ Brexit-induced volatility. Johnson will not be held hostage by hardline Brexiters given that Brexit itself will be complete. If our view on Chinese growth is correct, then Europe’s economy can recover and European political risk will be a “red herring” in 2020, as it was in 2019. Instead the EU presents an opportunity. Chart 31Euro Area Breakup Risk Has Subsided Euro Area break-up risk has subsided after a series of challenges in the wake of the sovereign debt crisis (Chart 31). There is not a basis for a reversal of this trend, at least not until a full-blown recession afflicts the continent. The rise in anti-establishment parties coincided with a one-off surge in migration that is finished – and successful populists from Greece to Italy have moderated on euro membership once in power. Germany is entering a profound transition driven by de-globalization and tensions with the United States. It is more likely to have an early election than the consensus holds. But it is fundamentally stable and supportive of European integration. In fact the great debate about fiscal policy poses an upside risk over the long run both for European equities and the European project. We remain optimistic on French structural reforms even though President Emmanuel Macron must overcome significant public opposition. An eerie quiet hangs over Russia, making it one of our “Black Swan” risks for 2020. Oil prices are not very high, which discourages foreign adventures, and President Vladimir Putin has spent his fourth term trying to consolidate international gains and improve domestic stability. But approval of the government is weak, the job market is deteriorating, and social unrest is cropping up. There is plenty of room to ease monetary and fiscal policy, but a sharp downturn could provide the basis for an aggressive foreign policy action to shore up regime support. The US election also presents the risk of renewed US-Russian tensions, whether over election interference or a Democratic victory. Investment Conclusions Geopolitics is the likeliest candidate to derail the global bull market in 2020. Nevertheless, policymakers are adjusting to their constraints. Trump and Xi are negotiating a ceasefire and a disorderly Brexit is off the table. Even Trump’s impeachment shows that the US system of checks and balances remains intact. After all, there is nothing to prevent removal from office if Trump further antagonizes public opinion and the Republican Senate. This means that policy uncertainty will decline on the margin in 2020, even as it remains elevated due to the danger of the underlying events. The nature of US economic imbalances suggests that the policy discontinuity of a Democratic victory on November 3, 2020 would be better for the economy (via household consumption) than it would be for corporate earnings. Policy continuity with the Trump administration suggests the opposite. On a sectoral basis we recommend going long US energy large cap stocks and short info-tech and communications. Energy has limited downside even if a progressive wins whereas tech has limited upside even if Trump wins. The BCA Research House View expects the US dollar to weaken as global growth rebounds, stocks to outperform bonds and cash, and developed market equities to outperform those of the United States. But a Republican victory in November would push against these trends as it is more bullish for the greenback and for US equities relative to global. As a play on the global growth rebound we expect, we recommend going long industrial metals. Like our colleagues at BCA Research Commodity & Energy Strategy, we are initiating this as a tactical trade but it may become strategic. We are reinitiating a tactical long Korea / short Taiwan equity trade. Taiwanese political risk is understated ahead of January’s election and the island is the epicenter of the US-China cold war. We are restoring our long gold trade as a strategic hedge. Populism and de-globalization are potentially inflationary, but they are also linked with great power competition which will increase the frequency of geopolitical crises. In either case, gold is the right safe haven to own.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com

Highlights A 400k b/d addition to OPEC 2.0’s official production cut of 1.2mm b/d will have little effect on actual supplies. The market already has seen ~ 2.0mm to 2.5mm b/d of output removed from the market via excess voluntary cuts (e.g., from Saudi Arabia and others) and involuntary cuts (e.g., from Iran and Venezuela). The incremental 400k b/d would just be another target for free-rider states to ignore. However, if Iraq and other states with on-and-off compliance at the margin can be persuaded to follow through on producing at lower quotas following OPEC 2.0’s meetings today and tomorrow, markets could rally as actual output falls (Chart of the Week). A rally on the back of lower OPEC 2.0 production would support the IPO of Saudi Aramco, which is expected to price while the producer coalition is meeting in Vienna. Production from the “Other Guys” – our moniker for all producers excluding Gulf OPEC, US shale and Russia – will account for a lesser and lesser share of global output. New production – much of it from the last of the big conventional projects sanctioned prior to the 2014 price collapse – from Norway, Brazil, Guyana and the US Gulf of Mexico will come on strong in 2020 – but most of this has been priced in already. The rate of growth of US shale-oil production will slow. Feature Brent crude oil prices could get a boost from OPEC 2.0, if free-rider states – specifically Iraq and states with marginal quota compliance shown in the Chart of the Week – actually were to abide by production cuts they agree to. This would be amplified if cuts are extended to end-June, from end-March. The impact would be marginal, to be sure, given most of the production cuts that matter to the market already are in place – i.e., Saudi Arabia’s overcompliance of ~ 400k b/d, and Iran and Venezuela’s involuntary production cuts of ~ 1.8mm b/d resulting from US sanctions, as of October 2019. Ahead of the Vienna meetings today and tomorrow, the putative leaders of the producer coalition – the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) and Russia – have been lobbying at cross purposes. KSA is seeking support for deeper cuts and an extension to mid-year of the deal. Russia is lobbying to keep the original deal’s expiry at end-March, and also is seeking to have its ultra-light crude (i.e., condensates) production excluded from its quota, as it is from OPEC members’ production calculations. Russia is creating additional volumes of condensate – ~ 800k b/d this year of its total 11.2mm b/d output – to dispose of as it ramps natural gas production to new feed markets, particularly China.1 Our expectation is the production-cutting deal will be extended to end-June with an official target of 1.6mm b/d removed from the market. Whether the new deal matters to the market will depend on the actions of heretofore free-rider OPEC 2.0 states. Prices could go up, but market share for the producer coalition will remain under pressure (Chart 2). Chart of the WeekAdditional OPEC 2.0 Cuts Could Be Bullish For Crude Oil Chart 2OPEC 2.0 Market Share Under Pressure Saudi Aramco IPO Due To Price Follow-through by all OPEC 2.0 members on additional production cuts would benefit Saudi Arabia, as it is expected to price the Saudi Aramco IPO while the producer coalition is meeting in Vienna. The Aramco IPO price is expected to value the company between $1.5 and $1.8 trillion. We recently looked at the IPO and believe Aramco will be valued closer to $2 trillion than to $1 trillion, the literal range in which the offering was being valued by banks and analysts.2 To briefly recap, in the first six months of this year, Aramco produced 10.0mm b/d of crude oil and condensates. Aramco accounted for 12.5% of global crude output in 2016 - 18 and reported in its red herring that its proved liquids reserves were ~ five times larger than the combined proved liquids reserves of the five major independent oil companies. Aramco’s 3.1mm b/d of refining capacity makes it the fourth largest integrated refiner in the world. In 2018, Aramco’s free cash flow amounted to almost $86 billion. Net income last year was $111 billion, more than the combined profits of the next six largest oil companies in the world. For its first year as a public company, Aramco has indicated it will pay an annual dividend of $75 billion. Improving compliance with the OPEC 2.0 production-cutting deal is of obvious importance for the Aramco IPO. The member states are quick to stress they support the deal and will do their part, but free riding has been a problem in terms of compliance. As we noted above, full compliance will lower OPEC 2.0 crude oil production from current levels, but Saudi Arabia’s voluntary over-compliance, coupled with the involuntary production losses from Iran and Venezuela already are doing most of the work in restraining production. The “Other Guys” Continue Treading Water Since 2010, most of the growth in world oil production came from three regions: US onshore shale-oil producers, Gulf OPEC and Russia. These regions added 14mm b/d of supply between 2010 and 2019. The “Other Guys” often are overlooked in the oil market, but they still accounted for 45% of global oil production this year on average. Production from the “Other Guys” – our moniker for all producers excluding Gulf OPEC, US shale and Russia – has been falling as a share of global production for years, due to a lack of domestic and foreign direct investment in their energy sectors. We expect their production will remain flat next year and could start falling in 2021. The “Other Guys” often are overlooked in the oil market, but they still accounted for 45% of global oil production this year on average: Their combined output was ~ 45mm b/d of crude and liquids (Chart 3). The “Other Guys’” production is mostly long-cycle projects and these countries do not possess spare capacity. Thus, they are reacting to oil prices and maximizing production now, if they can. Even so, their share of global production continues to fall (Chart 4). Chart 3The "Other Guys" Production Is Stagnant Chart 4The "Other Guys" Market Share Plummets The 3- to 5-year lag between final investment decisions and first production for projects in these states strongly suggests the global oil market is entering a period of lower supply additions from the “Other Guys,” given the last mega-projects were probably sanctioned in 2014 while prices still were above $100/bbl for both Brent and WTI. The "Other Guys’" rig count recovered, along with oil prices, since the 2016 downturn. However, this is still a low level of rigs vs. the 2010-2014 period – a period during which production from this group barely grew despite prices averaging more than $100/bbl. We expect their rig count to remain weak next year (Chart 5). Conventional production takes time to ramp up, therefore we should not expect a large increase in production over the next few years. Chart 5The "Other Guys" Rig Counts Will Remain Under Pressure Oil Supply Looks Tighter Toward 2021 Globally, the last of the big projects sanctioned prior to the oil-price collapse beginning in 2H14 and lasting to 1H16 are coming online in Norway, Brazil, Guyana and the US Gulf. Up to this year, US onshore production was the sole growing region globally. If capital discipline caps growth prospects in key US shale basins, global oil supply will grow only modestly in 2020 and 2021. For the most part, the “Other Guys” haven't been attracting the capital needed to sustain and grow their production. Given the ongoing drive by E&P companies globally to return capital to shareholders via buybacks or dividends, and the insistence of capital markets to fund only solid, profitable projects, capital likely will remain constrained for the “Other Guys.” States that were able to attract capital prior to the 2014 oil price collapse – Canada, Brazil, Norway, Guyana and the US – are expected to increase production next year; however, we believe much of this production increase already has been priced in by the market, as it has been by BCA (Chart 6). In our balances, we have oil production for Canada up 50k b/d next year vs 2019; Brazil +330k b/d and Norway +360k b/d. This is 740k b/d ex-Guyana in 2020. Guyana is still doing exploratory drilling and recently announced they expect to have their first commercial flows online this month. Oil markets are expecting initial commercial flows of ~ 120k b/d between December and 1Q20, and a ramp to 750k b/d by 2025, which would be significant. We will be updating our balances in two weeks, in our final publication of the year. Up to this year, US onshore production was the sole growing region globally. If capital discipline caps growth prospects in key US shale basins, global oil supply will grow only modestly in 2020 and 2021 (Chart 7). US shale output reaches ~ 9.35mm b/d on average next year in the Big Five basins (Permian, Eagle Ford, Bakken, Niobrara and Anadarko), in our modeling. This amounts to an 800k b/d increase in our US lower 48 production estimate for the US, vs. a 900k b/d increase we expected earlier.3 Chart 6"The New Guys" Production vs. The "Other Guys" Production Chart 7US Shale Oil Production Growth Will Slow Going forward, it is important to re-emphasize that even the prolific shales in the US are being constrained by investors demanding the shale guys either return capital to shareholders via share buybacks or steady dividends and dividend increases. If they don’t accommodate investor interests, these shale producers – and all oil producers for that matter – will simply be denied access to funding markets. Capital is, finally, the binding constraint on the growth of global oil supplies. This has not always been the case, as we’ve noted. 2020 Could See Stronger Prices Markets generally are responding as expected to more accommodative financial conditions globally, which will allow oil demand growth, particularly in the EM economies, to revive in 2020. As a result, we are maintaining our expectation for growth of 1.4mm b/d next year, which is up 300k b/d from our expectation for growth this year. The rebound in demand we expect next year will force prices higher to incentivize additional supply and the release of inventories – mostly in 2H20. This will push the entire futures curve up, especially nearby futures, which will steepen the backwardation in Brent and WTI futures. Bottom Line: Further actual production cuts by OPEC 2.0, emerging threats to US shale growth, and stagnant output from the “Other Guys” facing off against higher demand growth next year could result in higher prices than we currently expect for 2020 – i.e., $67/bbl for Brent and $63/bbl for WTI.   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Hugo Bélanger Senior Analyst Commodity & Energy Strategy HugoB@bcaresearch.com   Market Round-Up Energy: Overweight Brent prices remain stuck between $60/bbl and $65/bbl awaiting clear signals about the US-China trade negotiations and OPEC 2.0’s decisions on its supply management beyond March 2020. Money managers are increasing their net long position, expecting bullish news on both these developments. They are increasing their Brent exposure to 414k long contracts vs. 64k short. Base Metals: Neutral SHFE copper inventories fell 11% on a week on week basis to 120k MT as of last Friday. Combined, the LME, COMEX and SHFE fell by 6%. The larger decline in Chinese inventory is partly attributed to the reduced import quotas on copper scraps, which limited the total available supply to meet domestic demand. As discussed in last week’s report, fundamentals in the two largest components of the LMEX – i.e. copper and aluminum – are tight and the rebound in demand showing up in our proprietary indicators will support prices. We remain long the LMEX tactically. Last week, we recommended getting long the LMEX index. We have subsequently learned the LME ceases trading the index. We will, nonetheless, continue to track the reported level of the index, as if it were tradeable. Precious Metals: Neutral Closing at $1479/bbl on Tuesday, gold prices broke out of the narrow range in which the metal has traded over the past month. Gold’s daily-return 1-year rolling correlation with the U.S. dollar is at its weakest level since 2011 and is below the 5th percentile of its distribution since 2004. On the other hand, the correlation with U.S. 10-year TIPS yields is strengthening and is now above the 95th percentile of its distribution. As safe-haven demand dissipates – alongside the rebound in global growth we expect – we believe these correlations will move back to their historical relationships, supporting gold as the U.S. dollar depreciates. Ags/Softs: Underweight CBOT Corn March Futures Contracts rallied at the beginning of the week on the back of a blizzard in the Midwest that stalled the already delayed corn harvest, which the USDA reported to be 89% complete as of Dec. 1, well behind the five-year average of 98%. After reaching multi-months highs last week, wheat futures fell due to profit taking and weaker than expected export figures. Soybean fell for the eighth straight day on Monday, with the most active contract closing at $8.73/Bu, the lowest in six months. A possible delay in the US-China trade deal together with expectations of a bumper crop in Brazil remain headwinds to prices.   Footnotes 1     Please see Russia to press OPEC+ to change its oil output calculations published by reuters.com November 27, 2019. 2     Please see our Special Report Aramco’s IPO: The Tie That Binds KSA And China, published November 15, 2019.  It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 3    We discuss further risks to shale oil production growth in Lingering Oil-Demand Weakness Will Fade, including the high levels of flaring in the Permian and Bakken basins.  This report is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades TRADE RECOMMENDATION PERFORMANCE IN 2019 Q3 Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Trades Closed in 2019 Summary of Closed Trades