Financial Markets

Highlights Despite strong economic activity throughout most of 2021, economic surprises have decreased considerably. This helped the US equity market outperform Europe. It also significantly contributed to the euro’s depreciation versus the dollar. Even though growth will slow in 2022, economic surprises should increase. Growth expectations are much lower than they were entering 2021, and some key headwinds will fade. This picture is not without risks. China’s credit slowdown and the US’s elevated inflation represent the greatest threats. Based on the outlook for economic surprises, the euro will stage a rebound next year and small-cap stocks are attractive. Feature Global economic activity has been exceptionally robust this year, boosted by the re-opening of the world economy, as well as by the considerable fiscal and monetary stimuli injected globally over the past 20 months. However, market participants also anticipated such a rebound; as a result, global economic surprises peaked in September 2020, and they are now in negative territory. Unanticipated developments have a substantial effect on market prices. Under this lens, the deterioration in economic surprises has had a strong impact on financial markets. It helps explain why the defensive US market has outperformed, why the dollar has been strong, and why bond yields have been flat since March 2021, even though inflation has risen, growth has been high by historical standards, and many major central banks have been eschewing their accommodative biases. Going forward, the evolution of economic surprises will remain crucial to market trends. While we anticipate global economic activity will decelerate in 2022, it will likely remain above trend and surprise to the upside, which will allow global economic surprises to recover. There are significant risks to this view, with large unanswered questions about the Chinese economy and the outlook for inflation in the US. In this context, despite near-term risks, we continue to expect EUR/USD to appreciate in 2022 and European small-cap stocks to outperform large-cap equities. Deteriorating Surprises Matter This year, the underperformance of global equities (both EM and Europe) relative to the US, the weakness in the euro, and the limited increase in yields have all caught investors off guard. At the beginning of 2021, investors were massively short the greenback and duration, while surveys showed a large preference for non-US equities. These views grew out of the expectation that global growth would be strong. Global growth turned out to be strong but began to disappoint expectations by the middle of the year. Expectations had become extremely lofty, suggesting that the bar had been set too high. Additionally, the tightening credit conditions in China and the growing supply constraints around the world caused growth to decelerate somewhat. The deterioration in short-term economic momentum and in surprises harmed European equities relative to the US. As Chart 1 highlights, the relative performance of European stocks is greatly affected by the earnings revision ratio of cyclicals stocks vis-à-vis defensive ones. This relationship reflects the greater pro-cyclicality of European equities compared to those of the US. Moreover, the earnings revision ratio of cyclical stocks relative to that of defensive equities mimics the fluctuations in economic surprises (Chart 1, bottom panel), as weaker-than-expected growth invites analysts to lower their relative earning expectations. The dynamics in the economic surprise index also weighed heavily on the FX market. The dollar is a highly counter-cyclical currency; therefore, it performs poorly when growth is not only increasing, but also doing so at a rate faster than anticipated. However, economic surprises did the exact opposite this year, which boosted the dollar’s appeal and pushed EUR/USD lower (Chart 2). While the strength in the dollar was accentuated by the increasingly aggressive pricing of Fed hikes in the OIS curve, relative interest rate expectations between the US and the Euro Area are also influenced by global economic activity because of the European economy’s greater cyclicality than that of the US. Chart 1Where Surprises Go, European Stocks Follow Chart 2Surprises Matter For The Dollar And The Euro Bottom Line: Global growth has been very strong in 2021, but it has begun to decelerate. Moreover, economic surprises are now in negative territory. The evolution of economic surprises this year was a key component of the strength in the dollar, the weakness of the euro, and the underperformance of European equities. Improving Surprises In 2022? We anticipate economic surprises to pick up in 2022. First, investors and analysts around the world rightfully expect a slowdown in global growth next year. This means that the bar for the economy to generate positive surprises is lower than it was in 2021. Second, we are already seeing signs that global economic surprises are trying to stabilize. A GDP-weighted aggregate of 48 countries is forming a trough at a low level, which historically precedes a pick-up in broader aggregate measures (Chart 3). Third, economic surprises move closely with the global PMI diffusion index. The diffusion index has fallen to levels historically associated with a rebound (Chart 4). Moreover, the share of countries whose Leading Economic Indicator is rising is still very depressed for a mid-cycle slowdown (Chart 4, bottom panel). As vaccination rates are improving around the world, including those in emerging markets, and as the global economy continues to re-open, we anticipate both the PMI and LEI diffusion indexes to improve next year, which will boost economic surprises. Chart 3A Budding Rebound? Chart 4The dispersion Of Growth Matters or Surprises Fourth, the global capex outlook remains very positive. Capex intentions in the US and in the Euro Area are highly elevated and cash flows are strengthening. Moreover, US and European credit standards are very loose (Chart 5). This combination suggests that companies have the desire and the wherewithal to increase their investments next year, especially as capacity constraints limit their ability to meet final demand. Additionally, companies around the world need to rebuild inventory levels, which are depressed relative to sales, while customer inventories are still woefully low (Chart 6). Chart 5Capex Tailwinds Chart 6Not Enough Inventories Chart 7Households Are Rich Fifth, households globally also have ample firepower to support their spending, despite some weakness in real income caused by rising inflation. As Chart 7 shows, household net worth in the US is up by 128% of GDP since December 2019. Additionally, the accumulated stocks of household excess savings have reached USD2.4 trillion in the US, EUR150 billion in German, EUR130 billion in France and GBP180 billion in the UK. With respect to the Eurozone specifically, fiscal and monetary policy will remain very accommodative. The fiscal thrust in 2022 will be negative 2.1%, which is significantly less onerous than the US’s -5.9% of GDP. Moreover, economies like Italy and Spain may have a negligible fiscal thrust because of the NGEU program’s disbursements. In addition, while the fiscal thrust will be slightly negative next year, government deficits will remain wide, which indicates that fiscal policy in Europe continues to support demand. Meanwhile, monetary policy still generates deeply negative interest rates on the continent, which sustains demand further. This view is not without risks. The first threat stems from the Chinese credit slowdown. BCA’s China strategists expect credit flows to bottom out by the second quarter of 2022, which implies that Chinese domestic activity should accelerate meaningfully in the second half of the year.  Already, we are seeing tentative signs that authorities in China are trying to curb the credit slowdown. For example, Beijing cut the reserve requirement ratio last summer and excess reserves in the banking system are moving back up as liquidity injections grow (Chart 8). The problem is that, so far, Chinese credit demand is not responding to these small measures designed to ease policy. More will be needed as the tightening in financial conditions for real estate developers points to significant downside ahead in construction activity (Chart 9). For now, it is difficult for Beijing to ease policy much more than it has done so far: PPI has reached a 25-year high at 13.5%. Chart 8Not Enough... Chart 9... Especially With Such A Drag These Chinese inflationary pressures are likely to decline in the first months of 2022, which will allow Beijing to become more aggressive in its support to economic activity. First, Chinese demand is weak, unlike demand in the US. Second, the surge in the PPI is mostly driven by a 17% increase in the energy PPI and a 66% surge in the mining component. These jumps are unlikely to repeat themselves, which will reduce overall inflationary numbers in that economy. The second major risk is global inflation, which is hurting real wages. As a case in point, US real wages are contracting at a 3.2% annual rate, or their deepest cut in six decades. In Europe too, real wages are weak because of the increase in inflation. While these inflationary pressures have had limited effect on European consumer confidence so far, US consumer confidence is breaking down (Chart 10), driven by a collapse in the willingness to buy. If this trend continues, we might see a significant deceleration in global real consumer spending. Chart 10Not All Is Dark On The Inflation Front We still expect the European inflationary risk to start dissipating in the first half of 2022. Unlike in the US, the spike in core CPI mostly reflects an increase in VAT and remains narrow, with trimmed-mean CPI lingering near record lows. Moreover, the 24-month rate of change of core CPI remains within the historical norm, which is not the case in the US. The US situation is more tenuous. Last week’s inflation data showed a broadening of inflationary pressures across major sectors of the economy unaffected by the pandemic, with shelter inflation being of particular concern. However, there are positives. Long-term inflation expectations, as approximated by the 5-year/5-year forward inflation breakeven rate, are still below the levels that prevailed before the oil price crash of 2014 (Chart 11, top panel). Additionally, shipping costs have started to ebb, with global container freight rates losing steam and the Baltic Dry index collapsing by 50% since beginning of October (Chart 11, bottom panel). Moreover, as health restrictions are being relaxed in Asia, Asian PMI’s are improving, while the production of semiconductors is rising again in the region (Chart 12). As a result, although there is still significant inflation risk over the next five years, 2022 is likely to witness a temporary pullback in CPI growth. Chart 11Not All Is Dark On The Inflation Front Chart 12Semiconductor Production Is Picking Up Bottom Line: Global investors are right to anticipate a decline in global growth next year. However, even if growth slows, it will remain above trend. Moreover, the considerable stimuli in the global economy and the decreased expectations of investors improve the odds that global economic surprises will increase in 2022. China’s domestic weakness and the rise in US inflation constitute the two greatest risks to this view. Investment Implications The level of the global economic surprise index as well as its evolution have important implications for many key European assets. Table 1 highlights the performance of various financial markets at three months, six months, and a year following various ranges of readings of the surprise index (the categories are based on one standard-deviation intervals from the mean). We highlight this methodology, because there remains significant uncertainty about the near-term outlook of the surprise index. Table 1Level Of Surprises And Subsequent Returns Currently, the global economic surprise index stands at -20, or between its -1-sigma and its historical average. This level offers limited clear results for investors when it comes to the performance of the Eurozone benchmark relative to the MSCI All Country World Index (ACWI), and no clear results in terms of the performance of value stocks relative to growth. However, the current reading of the surprise index is consistent with an outperformance of growth stocks relative to momentum over both the three- and six-month horizons. It is also showing a 74% probability of small-cap equities beating large-cap ones over a 12-month basis. Table 2 shows the performance of the same assets over the same windows, following three consecutive months or more of an improving global economic surprise index. This is consistent with our main hypothesis that global economic surprises are set to increase by early next year. Table 2Surprise Upticks And Subsequent Returns Using this method again shows no strong call for the Euro Area equity benchmark relative to the ACWI. There is a small improvement in performance, but Europe on average still underperforms, which reflects the thirteen years of a relative bear market in European equities. Similarly, results for European value stocks compared to growth equities are limited, as the sample is dominated by the structurally poor performance of value equities. However, this method highlights that the euro is likely to appreciate against the USD on both the three- and six-month investment horizon. This message is consistent with that of our Intermediate-Term Timing Model. Finally, this approach once again underscores the attractiveness of European small-cap equities on a three-, six-, and twelve-month investment horizon. Consequently, we maintain our buy recommendation on the euro. As we wrote three weeks ago, the near-term outlook for the common currency is fraught with risks and the low readings of the global economic surprise index confirm this reality.  Moreover, markets might enter a phase when they aggressively discount Fed rates hikes next year, which would further hurt the euro. However, the outlook for global growth will ultimately put a floor under EUR/USD. Chart 13Small-Caps: Almost There We also view European small-cap stocks as the premier equity vehicle in Europe over the coming 18 months because of their heightened pro-cyclicality.  However, the timing around shifting toward overweighing small-cap remains risky in the near-term, as they have not fully worked out the overbought conditions we flagged four weeks ago (Chart 13). Thus, we maintain small-cap equities on an upgrade alert, and we are looking to pull the trigger very soon.   Mathieu Savary, Chief European Strategist Mathieu@bcaresearch.com     Tactical Recommendations Cyclical Recommendations Structural Recommendations Closed Trades Currency Performance Fixed Income Performance Equity Performance

Highlights US growth will slow next year, not because demand will falter, but because supply-side constraints will prevent the economy from producing as much output as households and businesses want to buy. If aggregate demand exceeds aggregate supply, the price level will rise. We argue that the US aggregate demand curve is currently quite steep. This implies that the price level may need to rise a lot to restore balance to the economy. In fact, if the aggregate demand curve is not just steep but upward-sloping, which is quite possible, there may be no price level that brings aggregate demand in line with supply; the US economy could go supernova. When supply is the binding constraint to growth, investors need to throw the old playbook for dealing with growth slowdowns out the window. Rather than positioning for lower bond yields, investors should position for higher yields. Rather than expecting a stronger dollar, investors should expect a weaker one. Rather than favoring growth stocks, large caps, and defensives, investors should favor value stocks, small caps, and cyclicals. The Binding Constraint To Growth Is Now Supply After a post-Delta wave rebound in Q4, the US economy is expected to slow over the course of 2022. The Bloomberg consensus is for US growth to decelerate from 4.9% in 2021Q4 to 4.1% in 2022Q1, 3.9% in 2022Q2, 3.0% in 2022Q3, and 2.5% in 2022Q4. Growth in the first quarter of 2023 is expected to dip further to 2.3%. We agree that US growth will slow next year but think the market narrative around this slowdown is misguided. Chart 1Plenty Of Pent-Up Demand The standard market playbook for dealing with an economic slowdown is to position for lower bond yields, a stronger US dollar, and a decline in commodity prices. On the equity side, the playbook calls for shifting equity exposure from cyclicals to defensives, favoring large caps over small caps, and growth stocks over value stocks. There are two major problems with this narrative. First, growth is peaking at much higher levels than before and is unlikely to return to trend at least until the second half of 2023. Second, and more importantly, US growth will slow due to supply-side constraints rather than inadequate demand. US final demand will remain robust for the foreseeable future. Households are sitting on $2.3 trillion in excess savings, equivalent to 15% of annual consumption (Chart 1). The household deleveraging cycle is over. After initially plunging during the pandemic, credit card balances are rising (Chart 2). Banks are falling over themselves to make consumer loans (Chart 3). Chart 2Revolving Credit On The Rise Again Chart 3Banks Are Easing Credit Standards For Consumers Chart 4A Record Rise In Household Net Worth Household net worth has risen by over 100% of GDP since the start of the pandemic (Chart 4). As we discussed two weeks ago, the wealth effect alone could boost annual consumer spending by up to 4% of GDP. Investment demand should remain strong. Business inventories are near record low levels (Chart 5). Core capital goods orders, a leading indicator for corporate capex, have soared (Chart 6). Chart 5Business Inventories Are Near Record Low Levels Chart 6Rise In Durable Goods Orders Bodes Well For Capex Chart 7The Homeowner Vacancy Rate Is Signaling The Need For More Homebuilding The Dodge Momentum Index, which tracks planned nonresidential construction, rose to a 13-year high in October. The home­owner vacancy rate is at multi-decade lows, signifying the need for more homebuilding (Chart 7). While increased investment will augment the nation’s capital stock down the road, the short-to-medium term effect will be to inflate demand. Policy Won’t Tighten Enough To Cool The Economy What is the mechanism that will push down aggregate demand growth towards potential GDP growth? It is unlikely to be policy. While budget deficits will narrow over the next few years, the IMF still expects the US cyclically-adjusted primary budget deficit to be nearly 3% of GDP larger between 2022 and 2026 than it was between 2014 and 2019 (Chart 8). Chart 9The Fed And Investors Still Believe In Secular Stagnation   As Matt Gertken, BCA’s Chief Geopolitical Strategist, writes in this week’s US Political Strategy report, the passage of the $550 billion infrastructure bill has increased, not decreased, the odds of President Biden and the Democrats passing their social spending bill via the partisan budget reconciliation process. On the monetary side, the Federal Reserve will finish tapering asset purchases next June and begin raising rates shortly thereafter. However, the Fed has no intention of raising rates aggressively. Most FOMC members see the Fed funds rate rising to only 2.5% this cycle (Chart 9). The “dots” call for only one rate hike in 2022 and three rate hikes in both 2023 and 2024. Investors expect rates to rise even less by end-2024 than the Fed foresees (Chart 10).   The Inflation Outlook Hinges On The Slope Of The Aggregate Demand Curve If policy tightening will not suffice in cooling demand, the economy will overheat and inflation will rise. But by how much will inflation increase? The answer is of great importance to investors. It also hinges on a seemingly technical question: What is the slope of the aggregate demand curve? As Chart 11 illustrates, prices will rise more if the aggregate demand curve is steep than if it is flat. Chart 12Wages Rose Faster Than Prices During The Inflationary Late-60s and 70s It is tempting to think of the aggregate demand curve in the same way one might think of the demand curve for, say, apples. When the price of apples rises, there is both a substitution and an income effect. An increase in the price of apples will cause shoppers to substitute away from apples towards oranges. In addition, if apples are so-called “normal goods,” shoppers will buy fewer apples in response to lower real incomes. This chain of reasoning breaks down at the aggregate level. When economists say the price level has risen, they are referring to all prices; hence, there is no substitution effect. Moreover, since one person’s spending is another’s income, rising prices do not necessarily translate into lower overall real incomes. Granted, if nominal wages are sticky, as they usually are in the short run, an unanticipated increase in prices will reduce real wage income. However, this will be offset by higher business income. Over time, wages tend to catch up with prices. In fact, wage growth usually outstrips price growth during inflationary periods. For example, real wages rose during the late-1960s and 70s but fell during the disinflationary 1980s (Chart 12). Textbook Reasons For A Downward-Sloping Aggregate Demand Curve According to standard economic theory, there are three main reasons why aggregate demand curves are downward-sloping: The Pigou Effect: Higher prices erode the purchasing power of money, resulting in a negative wealth effect. The Keynes Effect: Higher prices reduce the real money supply. This pushes up real interest rates, leading to lower investment spending. The Mundell-Fleming Effect: Higher real rates push up the value of the currency, causing net exports to decline. None of these three factors are particularly important for the US these days. Chart 13Base Money Has Swollen Since The Subprime Crisis Strictly speaking, the Pigou wealth effect applies only to “base money,” also known as “outside money.” Outside money includes cash notes, coins, and bank reserves. Inside money such as bank deposits are not included in the Pigou effect because while an increase in consumer prices decreases the real value of bank deposits, it also decreases the real value of commercial bank liabilities.1  In the US, the monetary base has swollen from 6% of GDP in 2008 to 28% of GDP as a result of the Fed’s QE programs (Chart 13). Nevertheless, even if one were to generously assume a wealth effect of 10% from changes in monetary holdings, this would still imply that a 1% increase in consumer prices would reduce spending by only 0.03% of GDP. Simply put, the Pigou effect is just not all that big. In contrast to the Pigou effect, the Keynes effect has historically had a significant impact on the business cycle. However, the importance of the Keynes effect faded following the Global Financial Crisis as the Fed found itself up against the zero lower bound on interest rates. When interest rates are very low, there is little to distinguish money from bonds. Rather than holding money as a medium of exchange (i.e., for financing transactions), households and businesses end up holding money mainly as a store of wealth. In the presence of the zero bound, the demand for money becomes perfectly elastic with respect to the interest rate (Chart 14). As a result, changes in the real money supply have no effect on interest rates, and by extension, interest-rate sensitive spending. And if a decline in the real money supply does not push up interest rates, this undermines the Mundell-Fleming effect as well. Could The Aggregate Demand Curve Be Upward-Sloping? The discussion above, though rather theoretical in nature, highlights an important practical point: The aggregate demand curve may be quite steep. This means that the price level might need to rise a lot to equalize aggregate demand with aggregate supply. Chart 15US Real Bond Yields Hitting Record Lows In fact, one can easily envision a scenario where a rising price level boosts spending; that is, where the demand curve is not just steep but upward-sloping. One normally assumes that higher inflation will prompt central banks to raise rates by more than inflation has risen, leading to higher real rates. However, if the Fed drags its feet in hiking rates, as it is wont to do given its concerns about the zero bound, rising inflation will translate into a decline in real rates. Lower rates will boost demand, leading to higher inflation, and even lower real rates. In addition, lower real rates will benefit debtors, who tend to have a higher marginal propensity to spend than creditors. This, too, will also boost aggregate demand. It is striking in this regard that real bond yields hit a record low this week, with the 10-year TIPS yield falling to -1.17% and the 30-year yield drooping to -0.57% (Chart 15). Black Holes Vs. Supernovas In the case where the aggregate demand curve is upward-sloping, there is no stable equilibrium (Chart 16). If demand falls short of supply, demand will continue to shrink as the price level declines, leading to ever-rising unemployment. Unless policymakers intervene with stimulus, the economy will sink into a deflationary black hole. In contrast, if demand exceeds supply, demand will continue to rise as the price level increases exponentially. The economy will go supernova. Tick Tock Young stars fuse hydrogen into helium, releasing excess energy in the process. After the star has run out of hydrogen, if it is big enough, it will start fusing helium into heavier elements such as carbon and oxygen. The process of nucleosynthesis continues until it reaches iron. That is the end of the line. Fusing elements heavier than iron requires a net input of energy. Unable to generate enough external pressure through fusion, the star loses its battle to gravity. The core collapses, spewing material deep into interstellar space (a good thing since your body is mainly made from this stardust). Observing the star from afar, one would be hard-pressed to see anything abnormal until it explodes. The path to becoming a supernova is highly non-linear. The same is true for inflation. Just like a star with an ample supply of hydrogen, the Fed can burn through its credibility for a while longer. During the 1960s, it took four years for inflation to take off after the economy had reached full employment (Chart 17). By that time, the unemployment rate was two percentage points below NAIRU. Most of today’s inflation is confined to durable goods. This is not a sustainable source of inflation. The durable goods sector is the only part of the CPI where prices usually fall over time (Chart 18). Chart 17Inflation Spiked In The 1960s Only Once The Unemployment Rate Had Fallen Far Below Equilibrium Chart 18Inflation Has Been Concentrated In Durable Goods, A Sector Where Prices Usually Fall Over Time To get inflation to go up and stay up in modern service-based economies, wages need to rise briskly. While US wage growth has picked up, the bulk of the increase has been among low-wage workers, particularly in the services and hospitality sector (Chart 19). Chart 19Wage Growth Has Picked Up, But Mainly At The Bottom Of The Income Distribution The most likely scenario for next year is that firms will simply ration output, fearful that raising prices too quickly will hurt brand loyalty and trigger accusations of price gouging. Shortages will persist, but this time they will be increasingly concentrated in the service sector. Such a state of affairs will not last, however. Competition for workers will cause wages to rise much more than they have so far. Keen to protect profit margins, firms will start jacking up prices. A wage-price spiral will develop. The US economy could go supernova. Investment Conclusions Chart 20Long-Term Inflation Expectations Are Near The Bottom End Of The Fed's Comfort Zone US growth will slow next year, not because demand will falter, but because supply-side constraints will prevent the economy from producing as much output as households and businesses want to buy. This means that the old playbook for dealing with growth slowdowns needs to be thrown out the window. Rather than positioning for lower bond yields, investors should position for higher yields. Rather than expecting a stronger dollar, investors should expect a weaker one. Rather than favoring growth stocks, large caps, and defensives, investors should favor value stocks, small caps, and cyclicals. While inflation expectations have recovered from their pandemic lows, the 5-year/5-year forward TIPS breakeven inflation rate is still near the bottom end of the Fed’s comfort zone (Chart 20). Rising inflation expectations will lift long-term bond yields, justifying a short duration stance in fixed-income portfolios. Higher bond yields will benefit value stocks. Chart 21 shows that there has been a strong correlation between the relative performance of growth and value stocks and the 30-year bond yield this year. Rising input prices will make the US export sector less competitive, leading to a weaker dollar. Historically, non-US stocks have done well when the dollar has been weakening (Chart 22). Chart 21The Relative Performance of Value Stocks Has Closely Tracked Bond Yields This Year Chart 22Non-US Stocks Tend To Do Best When The US Dollar Is Weakening As for the overall stock market, with the Fed still in the dovish camp, it is too early to turn negative on equities. An equity bear market is coming, but not until rising inflation forces the Fed to step up the pace of rate hikes. That will probably not happen until mid-2023. Short Gilt Trade Activated We noted last week that we would go short the 10-year UK Gilt if the yield broke below 0.85%. Our limit order was activated on November 5th and we are now short this security.   Peter Berezin Chief Global Strategist pberezin@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1  To distinguish between inside and outside money, one should ask where the liability resides. If the liability resides within the private sector, it is inside money. By convention, central bank reserves are classified as outside money. However, one could argue that since taxpayers ultimately own the central bank, an increase in the price level will benefit taxpayers by eroding the real value of the central bank’s liability. If one were to take this view, the Pigou effect would be even weaker. 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Highlights The bipartisan Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act will increase US government non-defense spending to around 3% of GDP, a level comparable to the 1980s-90s and larger than the 2010s.   Democrats are increasingly likely to pass their ~$1.75 trillion social spending bill, with odds at 65%. The budget reconciliation process necessary to pass this bill is also necessary to raise the national debt limit by December 3, so Congress is unlikely to fail.    The Democratic spending bills will reduce fiscal drag very marginally in 2022-24 and will occasionally increase fiscal thrust thereafter. Republicans are unlikely to repeal much of the spending in coming years. Limited Big Government is a new strategic theme. The federal government is permanently taking a larger role in the economy – but this role will still be limited by voters, who do not favor socialism. Biden’s approval rating will stabilize at a low level. Immigration, crime, and especially inflation will determine the Democrats’ fate in the 2022 midterms. Gridlock is likely. The stock market has already priced the infrastructure bill and it will continue to rally on the rumor that reconciliation will pass. But growth has outperformed value, contrary to expectations. Feature Democrats in the House of Representatives finally passed the $1.2 trillion Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, which consists of $550 billion in brand new spending and $650 billion in a continuation of existing levels of spending to cover the next ten years. The legislation passed with 228 votes in the House, ten more than needed, due to 13 Republican votes, making it “bipartisan” (Chart 1). The contents of the bill are shown in Table 1. Republicans supported the bill because of its focus on traditional infrastructure – roads, bridges, ports – but they also agreed to more modern elements such as $65 billion on broadband Internet and $36 billion on electric vehicles and environmental remediation. Implementation of the bill will be felt in 2023-24, in time for the presidential election, as committees will need to be set up to identify and approve projects. Table 1Itemized Infrastructure Plan While $550 billion is not a lot in a world of multi-trillion dollar stimulus bills, nevertheless it makes for a 34% increase in federal non-defense investment to levels consistent with the 1980s-90s (Chart 2). The new government spending will amount to 3% of GDP per year over the next ten years, a non-trivial amount of stimulus even though the big picture of the budget deficit remains about the same (Chart 3). The passage of the infrastructure bill will increase, not decrease, the odds of Biden and the Democrats passing their $1.75 trillion social spending bill via the partisan budget reconciliation process. Subjectively we put the odds at 65% in the wake of infrastructure, although recent events suggest that the odds could be put even higher. While left-wing Democrats failed to link the infrastructure and social spending bills, as we argued, nevertheless the passage of infrastructure was a requirement for the key swing voter in the Senate, Joe Manchin of West Virginia. Manchin is negotiating on the reconciliation bill, suggesting he will vote for it, and he will ultimately capitulate because he will not want to be blamed for a default on the US national debt. The US will hit the national debt ceiling on December 3 and the only reliable means for the Democrats to raise the ceiling is reconciliation. The other critical moderate Democratic senator, Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona, seems to have capitulated, after securing a removal of corporate and high-income individual tax hikes from the bill. Far-left senators might make a last stand, holding up reconciliation and winning some last-minute concession. Six House Democrats refused to vote for the infrastructure bill (including New York House member Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez). However, progressives lost leverage after the Democrats’ losses in the off-year elections. Moreover the debt ceiling will force the hand of the progressives as well as the moderates. Any such hurdles will ultimately be steamrolled by the president and Democratic Party leaders. Combined with infrastructure, the net deficit impact of the infrastructure and reconciliation bills will range from $461 billion to $1 trillion (Table 2). Our scenarios vary based on how much credence we give to Democratic revenue raisers, since many of these are gimmicks and accounting tricks to make the bill look more fiscally responsible than it really is. At the most the US is looking at an increase in the budget deficit of less than 0.5% of GDP per year in the coming years. Table 2Biden Administration Tax-And-Spend Scenarios Investors should think of Biden’s legislative efforts as very marginally reducing fiscal drag rather than increasing fiscal thrust, at least in the short run. The budget deficit is normalizing after hitting unprecedented peacetime extremes at the height of the global pandemic and social lockdowns. The shrinking deficit subtracts from aggregate demand in 2022-2024. But the new spending bills will remove a small part of that drag during these years, as highlighted in Chart 4. More importantly the US Congress is signaling that fiscal policy is back in action and that fiscal retrenchment is a long way off. Over the long run, new spending will add marginally to fiscal thrust and aggregate demand, suggesting that the US government’s contribution to the economy will grow a bit in the latter part of the 2020s, namely if Democratic legislation survives the 2024 election. For the most part it probably will, as it is very difficult to repeal entitlements or slash government spending even with Republican majorities, as witnessed with the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare) in 2017. Chart 5Polarization Of Economic Sentiment Declining The polarization of economic sentiment – i.e. divergence in partisan views of the economy – has fallen since the pandemic and will likely continue to fall as the business cycle continues (Chart 5). Both presidential candidates offered infrastructure packages – they only differed on how to fund it. With the government taking a larger role in the economy – and yet the Republicans likely to rebound in future elections – the result is one of our new strategic themes: limited big government. The heyday of “limited government,” from President Ronald Reagan through George W. Bush, has ended. But the new popular and elite consensus in favor of “Big Government” can be overrated – the US political system is defined by checks and balances that will limit the pace and magnitude of the big government trend, and at times even seem to reverse it. Hence investors should think of US fiscal policy and government role in the economy as limited big government. Political Implications Of Bipartisan Infrastructure President Biden’s approval rating has collapsed since this summer when he suffered from perceptions of incompetence on both the delta variant of COVID-19 and the withdrawal from Afghanistan. Democratic infighting, which delayed the passage of his legislation, also hurt him (Chart 6). However, these are all passing narratives, with the exception of the incompetence narrative, which could become a lasting threat to Biden if not addressed. Biden’s signing of the infrastructure bill will stabilize his approval rating. Biden will probably end up somewhere between Presidents Obama and Trump. Voters will most likely upgrade their assessment of his handling of the economy over the coming year, at least marginally. But on foreign policy he will remain extremely vulnerable since he faces numerous immediate crises in coming years. American presidential disapproval has trended upwards since the 1950s of President Eisenhower. Disapproval peaks during recessions and wars. As the economy improves, Biden’s disapproval will fall, but foreign crises and wars are likely in today’s fraught geopolitical environment (Chart 7). A few opinion polls suggest that Republicans have taken the lead over the Democrats in generic opinion polling regarding support for the parties in Congress. These polls are outliers and may or may not become the norm over the next year. Democrats have fallen from their peaks but Republicans still suffer from significant internal divisions (Chart 8). Voters continue to identify mostly as political independents, with a notable downtrend in the share of voters who see themselves as Republicans or Democrats in recent years (Chart 9). Independent voters have marked leanings, right or left. While the leftward lean of independents has peaked, they are not leaning to the right. The infrastructure bill and even reconciliation bill will support Democratic identification. But the sharp rise in immigration, crime, and potentially persistent inflation will support Republicans. These last will become the critical political issues going forward. The democratic socialist or progressive agenda has already been checked by voters and Democrats can only double down on that agenda at their own peril. The infrastructure bill’s passage may give a boost to perceptions of Democratic odds of maintaining the Senate in the 2022 midterm elections – that question is still up in the air, even as the House is very likely to return to Republican control (Chart 10). Chart 9Independent Voters Still Rule An under-the-radar beneficiary of the bipartisan infrastructure bill is Congress itself. Since 2014, public approval of Congress has gradually recovered from historic lows. The level is still low, at 27%, but the upward trend is notable for suggesting that a fiscally active Congress gains popular approval (Chart 11). New social spending will also increase Congress’s image, first for “doing something,” and second for expanding the social safety net, which more than half of voters will approve.  Partisan gridlock after 2022 could reverse the trend, as Republicans may find or invent a reason to impeach President Biden in retribution for President Trump’s impeachments. But our best guess is that Congress will remain above its low point as long as fiscal support – limited big government – remains intact. Aggressive tax hikes or spending cuts, or a national debt default, could reverse the recovery of this institution. Investment Takeaways The infrastructure bill’s passage may have supported the recent rally in stocks but it is not the main driver. Infrastructure stocks had largely discounted the bill’s passage by spring and our BCA Infrastructure Basket has underperformed the broad market since then. In absolute terms, infrastructure stocks have reached new highs and show a rising trajectory (Chart 12). The infrastructure bill has not delivered as expected when it comes to sectors or investment styles. Cyclicals have outperformed defensives, as expected. But value stocks have hit new lows relative to growth stocks, contrary to our expectation this year (Chart 13). Chart 12Infrastructure Was Already Priced Chart 13Wall Street Looks Well Beyond Infrastructure External factors – namely China’s policy tightening and bumps in the global recovery – weighed on cyclicals and value plays, especially relative to Big Tech (Chart 14). Growth stocks have surged yet again on low bond yields, positive earnings surprises, and secular trends like innovation and digitization. The American economy looks robust as the year draws to a close. The service sector is recovering smartly from the delta variant. Non-manufacturing business activity is surging and new orders are exploding upward relative to inventories (Chart 15). Service sector employment has suffered from shortages. Chart 14External Factors Weigh On Infrastructure Plays Chart 15Service Sector Recovery Underway Inflation risks are trickling into consumer and voter consciousness as Christmas approaches and prices rise at the pump (Chart 16). The Democrats’ two big bills will mitigate the damage they face in next year’s midterm elections – the Senate is still in competition. But a persistent inflation problem will overwhelm their legislative accomplishments. Voters will connect the dots between large deficit spending and inflationary surprises (not to mention any Democratic changes that reinforce the extremely dovish stance of the Fed). The normal political cycle will count heavily against the Democrats in 2022 regardless of inflation. But voters simultaneously face historic spikes in immigration and crime – and the former, at least, will get worse and not better over the next 12 months. Predicting inflation is a mug’s game but wage growth suggests it will remain a substantial risk in 2022 – and the structural shift in favor of big government, even if it is limited big government due to the political cycle, is inflationary on the margin. Chart 16Voters Awakening To Inflation   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Appendix  

Highlights The off-year elections confirm that regular political cycles continue to operate in the US despite the chaotic 2020 election. The implication is negative for Democrats, especially House Democrats in the 2022 midterms. The progressives will also lose clout. Yet several factors that hurt Democrats in the off-year elections will improve over the coming year. The pandemic will wane and the economy will recover. Biden now has a framework for passing his two signature legislative bills, the reconciliation bill has been moderated away from radical proposals, and his approval rating will rebound when he signs the bills into law. The Senate is very much up for grabs in 2022 and there is at least a 25% chance Democrats retain control of Congress. Investors can expect gridlock to begin right after the Senate passes Biden’s reconciliation bill. A Republican midterm win would merely formalize it. Fiscal policy will be decided over the next two months, then frozen in place until at least 2025. Financial markets will approve of the drop in uncertainty. We still expect investors to “buy the rumor, sell the news” on Biden’s bills. But the watering down of tax hikes is a positive surprise. Over the long run Biden’s bills are positive for productivity. Feature Democrats suffered negative results in elections on November 2 highlighting that US politics is still very much a two-party game. In Virginia, Republican Glenn Youngkin defeated Democrat Terry McAuliffe by 2%, a substantial swing from the 5%-10% margins with which Democrats have carried the state in recent elections (Chart 1). The Virginia gubernatorial race has limited predictive power for the midterm elections. But the GOP had a good night in general and benefited from national dynamics. Republicans were already widely expected to take the House next year – Tuesday’s results confirm that expectation. But the Senate is still up for grabs, as the midterms are a year away (see Appendix for the latest update of our Senate Election Model). The Biden administration will benefit over the coming year from passing its signature legislation and presiding over a waning pandemic and recovering economy. Biden now has a framework agreement with Democrats on his infrastructure and social spending bills, discussed below.  Gridlock will become the default setting as early as Thanksgiving or Christmas, when Democrats pass Biden’s two bills. A Republican win in the midterms would merely make it official. Gridlock is marginally positive for risk assets as it reduces uncertainty around fiscal policy and economic policy in general. Thus US political and policy risks will subside after the Senate clears Biden’s reconciliation bill and investors will need to turn to other major risks stemming from wages, inflation, eventual rate hikes, and external factors like China’s slowdown.  Biden’s Framework Fiscal Agreement President Biden struck a tentative deal with congressional Democratic leaders prior to leaving for his European trip and the COP26 conference on climate change in Glasgow, Scotland. The bipartisan infrastructure deal remains the same but his signature social spending deal – to be pushed through the partisan budget reconciliation process – was cut down to $1.75 trillion. Chart 2 shows the two bills and the sums of spending by category. The Democrats plan to spend $940 billion on social programs (child care, elderly care, Medicare, health care, housing, education). They will spend $481 billion on green energy subsidies and regearing of the energy economy. They will spend $446 billion on traditional infrastructure (with the GOP) and $230 billion on high-tech initiatives. The negotiation is ongoing and there is not yet a settled draft of the reconciliation bill, so surprises are still possible, such as on Medicare negotiation of drug prices or the state and local tax deduction cap. Senator Joe Manchin of West Virginia is fighting to ensure that the bill will be analyzed and scored by the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) in time for lawmakers to consider its economic impacts before voting on it. But the CBO cannot score a bill that is not yet written down. Nevertheless, the bill has been coming together in recent weeks and the poor election results will push Democrats to a speedy resolution. The progressives are weaker now, as the elections reflected negatively on them, and any last-minute progressive threats in the Senate will be steamrolled by President Biden and party leadership. Table 1 shows our updated scenarios for Biden’s pre-COP26 framework agreement. The impact on the budget ranges from $80 billion dollars in net savings, according to the fictitious headline agreement, to $1 trillion in net deficit spending if we assume that Democrats only realize half of the revenue they hope to raise from a tougher Internal Revenue Service (IRS) and half of the revenue from higher taxes.  Table 1US Spending And Taxation Scenarios Table 2 itemizes the actual spending programs in this framework deal along with the bipartisan infrastructure plan, which remains at $550 billion in net deficit spending. The cumulative spending ranges from $1.9 to $2.4 trillion, which will then need to be offset by tax measures. Table 2US Spending Scenarios Table 3 highlights the tax measures and the amount of revenue they are expected to raise. Notice that moderate Democrats have thus far succeeded in striking out the original corporate tax hike and top individual income tax hike. What is left is the minimum corporate rate – in line with Biden’s international agreement – and a series of smaller taxes and surcharges on stock buybacks and the wealthy. Table 3US Taxation Scenarios Table 4 shows an itemized version of the spending programs with annotations for the changes that have occurred so far while the bill is on the chopping block. This is a loose tally of the status of negotiations. Biden’s framework deal is a major liberal spending bill likely to have a net deficit impact of $1-$1.5 trillion (infrastructure plus reconciliation). Yet it is a far cry from his party’s original, visionary proposals. Moderate Democrats succeeded in moderating the ambitions of the democratic socialists. The bill does not constitute a major redistribution of wealth. As it stands, Biden is looking to maintain President Trump’s low tax rates on corporations and high-income earners. Table 4Congressional Democratic Plan Up For Negotiation Off-Year Election Results Tuesday’s elections do not change the balance of power in the House of Representatives. The two House seats in Ohio produced the expected results in the Democratic-leaning eleventh district and the Republican-leaning fifteenth district (Chart 3). Another Democratic-leaning House seat will be determined in Florida in January. The House of Representatives is still very closely divided, with Democrats holding a three-seat de facto majority – meaning that if Democrats lose three votes, they cannot pass legislation. This slim majority is what is forcing them to compromise their spending bills (Chart 4). If the progressives refuse to support the final bills then the party will suffer a disaster in the midterms, so progressives are forced to capitulate. Republicans not only won the Virginia governor’s seat but could emerge victorious in the New Jersey gubernatorial election, which would be a big surprise (Chart 5). The tight New Jersey race reflects the fact that the Republicans had a good night in general – they also did well in various down-ballot races (Chart 6). Hence national politics had a substantial impact on these local elections: namely, President Biden’s low approval rating and infighting among congressional Democrats. Democrats suffered from the impacts of the Delta variant of COVID-19 on the economy – the number one issue . Notably President Trump played ball with the GOP: he endorsed Youngkin but Youngkin kept his distance and Trump avoided interfering, sparing Youngkin any controversy. This tactic apparently worked, as white women swung by 15 percentage points in favor of Republicans relative to the 2020 presidential vote in Virginia.  Overall the election reinforces the basic historical fact that the US is a two-party system and that the electoral cycle favors the opposition in off-year and midterm elections. Given that Virginia is heavily Democratic these days, only loosely considered a swing state, the victory of a Republican in a statewide race suggests that a non-Trump Republican is capable of winning the presidency, whether in 2024 or thereafter. The idea that Trump’s scandals and the January 6 insurrection disqualify Republicans in voter opinion is contradicted by normal political clockwork. Republicans are back to growing their hold on state governments (Chart 7). The election repudiated left-wing Democrats. McAuliffe’s defeat came on the heels of both national and local controversies over the impact of progressive ideology on the education system. Minneapolis disapproved of the ballot measure to convert its police department into a new department of public safety. The Left is now frantically trying to distance itself from its more radical and unpopular ideas such as Critical Race Theory and “Abolish the Police.” The historic spike in homicide and general crime rates will continue to be a problem for the incumbent Democrats if it does not subside (Chart 8). Still, the midterms are a year away. Most likely the pandemic will wane and the economy will recover between now and then. Biden’s legislation will probably pass and his approval will then rebound. The new compromise reconciliation bill will be more palatable to the median voter than the original, more radical proposals. As such Biden’s legislation will be a marginal positive for the Democrats in the midterms. Democrats and political independents generally favor the provisions included. The bipartisan infrastructure deal will be especially widely approved. So while Democrats are likely to lose the House, they could still keep the Senate. A lot of surprises can also happen between now and next November that could cut either way for the incumbent party. It is not impossible for Democrats to retain Congress. Given that Biden is keeping Trump’s tax rates, passing an infrastructure deal with Republicans, and maintaining the new hawkish line on China, it turns out that the only major points of distinction are social spending, climate spending, and immigration. Immigration is by far Democrats’ biggest weakness. The US is seeing a historic surge of immigrants on the southern border and the popular backlash will escalate dramatically in the lead-up to the midterms (Chart 9).  Chart 9Immigration Crisis Looms On Southern Border Gridlock will not begin next November but with the passage of Biden’s bills this November or December. With paper thin margins in Congress, and election campaigning taking place all year, it is unlikely that major legislation will pass in 2022. Biden will resort to regulation and foreign policy for most of the year. Congress will effectively be gridlocked already. A likely Republican victory in the House would then formalize it for the 2023-24 period. Investment Takeaways Public investments in infrastructure, tech, and renewable energy should be positive for productivity over the long run. The US economy is already gearing up for what looks likely to be a productivity boomlet based on businesses’ capital spending intentions and core capital goods orders (Chart 10). Chart 10US Productivity Boomlet However, inflation is certain to be a risk in the short run and a large new fiscal spending package will increase that risk, given that the output gap is virtually closed. In general US stocks should outperform government bonds in an inflationary environment (Chart 11). Investors may continue to “buy the rumor” of Biden’s legislation. The legislation favors cyclical equities, especially in the context of a new business cycle (Chart 12). But this is a very short term consideration and otherwise cyclicals are looking stretched relative to defensives. Chart 11US Equities Versus Bonds, Total Return Chart 12US Cyclicals Versus Defensives Biden’s agenda has failed to galvanize a long-lasting outperformance of value stocks over growth stocks – though financials are clearly outperforming tech, which should be expected as a result of robust reflationary policies (Chart 13). The abandonment of corporate tax hikes is a positive but we still generally expect investors to “sell the news” once Biden’s bills are signed. US infrastructure stocks are close to pricing the positive news, relative to the broad market, cyclical sectors, and global cyclicals (Chart 14). Chart 13US Value Versus Growth   Uncertainty will subside significantly after the Senate passes Biden’s reconciliation bill. From that point investors will have a clear expectation for US fiscal policy through 2025. Impending congressional gridlock will be marginally positive for US risk assets because it will reduce uncertainty around fiscal policy. But investors will turn toward other threatening issues like wage growth and inflation, eventual rate hikes, regulation, and external risks. Chart 14BCA Infrastructure Basket Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Appendix        

The markets were deluged by a lot of information in late October. Several central banks made surprise moves towards tightening (the Bank of Canada, for example, ended asset purchases, and the Reserve Bank of Australia effectively abandoned its yield-curve control). Inflation continued to surprise on the upside (headline CPI in the US is now 5.4% year-on-year). But, at the same time, there were signs of faltering growth with, for example, US real GDP growth in Q3 coming in at only 2.0% quarter-on-quarter annualized, compared to 6.7% in Q2. This caused a flattening of the yield curve in many countries, as markets priced in faster monetary tightening but lower long-term growth (Chart 1). Nonetheless, equities shrugged off the barrage of news, with the S&P500 ending the month at a new high. All this highlights what we discussed in our latest Quarterly: That the second year of a bull market is often tricky, resulting in lower (but still positive) returns from equities and higher volatility. For risk assets to continue to outperform, our view of a Goldilocks environment needs to be “just right”: The economy must not be too hot or too cold. We think it will be – and so stay overweight equities versus bonds. But investors should be aware of the risks on either side. How too hot? Inflation is broadening out (at least in the US, UK, Australia and Canada, though not in the euro zone and Japan) and is no longer limited to items which saw unusually strong demand during the pandemic but where supply is constrained (Chart 2). Chart 1What Is The Message Of Flattening Yield Curves? Chart 2Inflation Is Broadening Out In The US There is a risk that this turns into a wage-price spiral as employees, amid a tight labor market, push for higher wages to offset rising prices. We find that wages tend to follow prices with a lag of 6-12 months (Chart 3). The Atlanta Fed Wage Tracker (good for gauging underlying wage pressures since it looks only at employees who have been in a job for 12 months or more) is already at 3.5% and looks set to rise further. On the back of these inflationary moves, the market has significantly pulled forward the date of central bank tightening. Futures now imply that the Fed will raise rates in both July and December next year (Chart 4) and that other major developed central banks will also raise multiple times over the next 14 months (Table 1). Breakeven inflation rates have also risen substantially (Chart 5). Chart 3Wages Tend To Rise After Prices Rise Chart 4Will The Fed Really Hike This Soon?   Table 1Futures Implied Path Of Rate Hikes Chart 5Breakevens Suggest Higher Inflation     We think these moves are a little excessive. There are several reasons why inflation might cool next year. Companies are rushing to increase capacity to unblock supply bottlenecks. For example, semiconductor production has already begun to increase, bringing down DRAM prices over the past few months (Chart 6). Another big contributor to broad-based inflation has been a 126% increase in container shipping costs since the start of the year (Chart 7). But currently the number of container ships on order is at a 10-year high; these new ships will be delivered over the next two years. Such deflationary forces should pull down core inflation next year (though we stick to our longstanding view that for multiple structural reasons – demographics, the end of globalization, central bank dovishness, the transition away from fossil fuels – inflation will trend up over the next five years). Chart 6DRAM Prices Falling As Production Ramps Up Chart 7All Those Ships On Order Should Bring Down Shipping Costs The Fed, therefore, will not be in a rush to raise rates. It does not see the labor market as anywhere close to “maximum employment” – it has not defined what it means by this, but we would see it as a 3.8% unemployment rate (the median FOMC dot for the equilibrium unemployment rate) and the prime-age participation rate back to its 2019 level (Chart 8). We continue to expect the first rate hike only in December next year. The Fed will feel the need to override its employment criterion only if long-term inflation expectations become unanchored – but the 5-year 5-year forward breakeven rate is only at 2.3%, within the Fed’s effective CPI target range of 2.3-2.5% (Chart 5). We remain comfortable with our view of only a moderate rise in long-term rates, with the US 10-year Treasury yield at 1.7% by end-2021, and reaching 2-2.25% at the time of the first Fed rate hike. It is also worth emphasizing that even a fairly sharp rise in long-term rates has historically almost always coincided with strong equity performance (Chart 9 and Table 2). This has again been evident in the past 12 months: When rates rose between August 2020 and March 2021, and then from July 2021, equities performed strongly. Chart 8We Are Not Back To "Maximum Employment" Chart 9Rising Rates Are Usually Accompanied By A Rising Stock Market   Table 2Episodes Of Rising Long-Term Rates Since 1990 But could the economy get too cold? We would discount the weak US GDP reading: It was mostly due to production shortages, especially in autos, which pushed down consumption on durable goods by 26% QoQ annualized, and by some softness in spending on services due to the delta Covid variant, the impact of which is now fading. US growth should continue to be supported by a combination of the $2.5 trillion of excess household savings, strong capex as companies boost their production capacity, and a further 5% of GDP in fiscal stimulus that should be passed by Congress by year-end. Similar conditions apply in other developed economies. Chart 10Real Estate Is A Big Part Of Chinese GDP We see three principal risks to this positive outlook: A new strain of Covid-19 that proves resistant to current vaccines – unlikely but not impossible. Our geopolitical strategists worry about Iran, which may have a nuclear bomb ready by December, prompting Israel to bomb the country. Iran would likely react by hampering oil supplies, even blocking the Strait of Hormuz, through which 25% of global oil flows. Chinese growth has been slowing and the impact from the problems at Evergrande is still unclear. Real estate is a major part of the Chinese economy, with residential investment comprising 10% of GDP (Chart 10) and, broadly defined to include construction and building materials, real estate overall perhaps as much as one-third. Our China strategists don’t expect the government to launch a major stimulus which would bail out the industry, since it is happy with the way that property-related lending has been shrinking in recent years (Chart 11). We expect the slowdown in Chinese credit growth to bottom out over the coming few months, but economic activity may have further to slow (Chart 12), and there is a risk that the authorities are unable to control the fallout from the property market. Chart 11Chinese Authorities Are Happy To See Slowing Property Lending Chart 12When Will Credit Growth Bottom?       Fixed Income: Given the macro environment described above, we remain underweight bonds and short duration. If we assume 1) a Fed liftoff in December 2022, 2) 100 basis points of rate hikes over the following year, and 3) a terminal Fed Funds Rate of 2.08% (the median forecast from the New York Fed’s Survey of Market Participants), 10-year US Treasurys will return -0.2% over the next 12 months, and 2-year Treasurys +0.3%.1 TIPs have overshot fair value and, although we remain neutral since they a tail-risk hedge against high inflation over the next five years, we would especially avoid 2-year TIPS which look very overvalued. We see some pockets of selective value in lower-quality high-yield bonds, specifically US Ba- and Caa-rated issues, which are still trading at breakeven spreads around the 35th historical percentile, whereas higher-rated bonds look very expensive (Chart 13). For US tax-paying investors, municipal bonds look particularly attractive at the moment, with general-obligation (GO) munis trading at a duration-matched yield higher than Treasurys even before tax considerations (Chart 14). Our US bond strategists have recently gone maximum overweight. Chart 14Muni Bonds Are A Steal     Equities: We retain our longstanding preference for US equities over other Developed Markets. US equities have outperformed this year, irrespective of whether rates were rising or falling, or how US growth was surprising relative to the rest of the world, emphasizing the much stronger fundamentals of the US market (Chart 15).  Analysts’ forecasts for the next few quarters look quite cautious, and so earnings surprises can push US stock prices up further (Chart 16). We reiterate the neutral on China but underweight on Emerging Markets ex-China that we initiated in our latest Quarterly. Our sector overweights are a mixture of cyclicals (Industrials), rising-interest-rate plays (Financials), and defensives (Heath Care). Chart 15US Equites Outperformed This Year Whatever Happened Chart 16Analysts Are Pessimistic About The Next Couple Of Quarters   Currencies: We continue to expect the US dollar to be stuck in its trading range and so stay neutral. Recent moves in prospective relative monetary policy bring us to change two of our currency recommendations. We close our underweight on the Australian dollar. The recent rise in Australian inflation (with both trimmed mean and 10-year breakevens now above 2% – Chart 17) has brought forward the timing of the first rate hike and should push up relative real rates (Chart 18). We lower our recommendation on the Japanese yen from overweight to neutral. The Bank of Japan will not raise rates any time soon, even when other central banks are tightening. This will push real-rate differentials against the yen (Chart 18, panel 2). Chart 17Australian Inflation Is Picking Up Chart 18Real Rates Moving In Favor Of The AUD And Against The JPY Chart 19Chinese-Related Metals' Prices Are Falling Commodities: We remain cautious on those industrial metals which are most sensitive to slowing Chinese growth and its weakening property market. The fall in iron ore prices since July is now being followed by aluminum. However, metals which are increasingly driven by investment in alternative energy, notably copper, are likely to hold up better (Chart 19). We are underweight the equity Materials sector and neutral on the commodities asset class. The Brent crude oil price has broadly reached our energy strategists’ forecasts of $80/bbl on average in 2022 and $81 in 2023 (Chart 20). Although the forward curve is lower than this, with December-22 Brent at only $75/bbl, it is a misapprehension to characterize this as the market forecasting that the oil price will fall. Backwardation (where futures prices are lower than spot) is the usual state of affairs for structural reasons (for example, producers hedging production forward). The market typically moves to contango only when the oil price has fallen sharply and reserves are high (Chart 21). We remain neutral on the equities Energy sector.   Chart 20Brent Has Reached Our 2022 And 2023 Forecast Level Chart 21Lower Oil Futures Don't Mean Oil Price Is Forecast To Fall Garry Evans, Senior Vice President Global Asset Allocation garry@bcaresearch.com GAA Asset Allocation  

Highlights Democrats are backing off from corporate tax hikes, a positive surprise for the earnings outlook. However, the reconciliation bill will be even more stimulating than expected at a time when the output gap is closed. Short-run inflation risks are high and Democratic bills will feed into that. Long-run inflation risks will need to be monitored. Compromises on legislation will help Democrats on the margin in the 2022 midterm elections but gridlock would freeze fiscal policy. Maintaining low corporate taxes while boosting government spending on infrastructure, R&D, renewables, and social safety should be good for productivity, potential growth, and the US dollar over the long run.   We still give 65% odds for the reconciliation bill to pass. Reconciliation is the critical means of avoiding a national debt default after the December 3 deadline. This assumes that bipartisan infrastructure passes (80% odds). With the market already pricing the impending Democratic agreement, we are closing our long renewable energy trade for a gain of 30% and our long infrastructure basket for a gain of 8%. Feature A major plot twist in Congress occurred over the past two weeks: corporate and individual tax cuts are on the chopping block as the December 3 deadline approaches for the Biden administration’s signature piece of legislation. This development is uncertain but not unlikely. It would fit with our annual theme of bipartisan structural reform in the sense that it would mark a further Democratic cooptation of the previous Republican administration’s policies for the sake of popular opinion. Investors should not bet on zero tax hikes but they should prepare for positive surprises relative to the 5.5%-7% corporate tax hike that was previously envisioned. Rotation from low-tax to high-tax sectors was already underway prior to this news, which favors that trend (Chart 1). Chart 1Democrats Scrap Corporate Tax Hike? In this report we update investors with the status of negotiations: what is in the bill, what is not, what remains undecided, what will be the net effect, and how will Wall Street respond? Details are subject to change up to the very moment before Congress votes. Here is what we know right now.   What’s Essential To The Bill? Before the reconciliation bill, the $550 billion bipartisan infrastructure bill still has a subjective 80% chance of passage. The Senate already approved it on August 10, with 19 Republicans in favor. It stalled in the House of Representatives because the left wing refused to vote for it until party leaders reached a framework agreement on the larger social spending bill. The latter can only pass via the partisan reconciliation process. That framework could be agreed any day now but even if it suffers a surprise delay the House can push through the infrastructure bill fairly quickly. Infrastructure stocks still have some room to rise in the lead-up to President Biden’s signature but their ability to outperform the market going forward will depend on a range of factors outside politics and policy (Chart 2). Chart 2Infrastructure Bill Already Priced As for the main reconciliation bill, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi claims that “more than 90 percent of everything is agreed to” in the framework agreement – but critical provisions are still in flux. The headline price tag has fallen from $3.5 trillion to $1.5-$2 trillion, leaving $1.75 trillion as the happy medium. The root of the disagreement is that the Democrats are a “big tent” party with two major factions of relatively equal strength. Moderates and conservatives have the upper hand on economics, whereas liberals have the upper hand on social issues (Chart 3). On the spending side, progressives have insisted on five policy priorities: the “care” economy (child care, elderly care), affordable housing, climate change, immigration, and health care. They say they can negotiate on the size and duration of the relevant programs but not on whether they are included.1 The Senate parliamentarian has already ruled out immigration so the other four priorities will be included, albeit watered down.  West Virginia Senator Joe Manchin’s initial demands to Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer are highlighted in Table 1. Manchin’s demands for a lower price tag are being met by the progressives’ willingness to pass smaller or short-lived programs with “sunset clauses.” The idea is that Republicans will suffer for allowing them to expire. History shows that it is very difficult to remove an entitlement once it is established. Table 1West Virginia Senator Joe Manchin’s Initial Demands For Biden’s Reconciliation Bill The following items look to be included but pared back in size: The Child Tax Credit (from $450 billion to ~$100 billion). This benefit was enhanced by COVID-19 stimulus and is likely to be kept in place, albeit for one year instead of five years. This sets up a “cliff” in December 2022.   Paid family and medical leave (from $225 billion to ~$100 billion). This benefit looks likely to be lowered from 12 weeks to four weeks and targeted toward low-income groups for a duration of three-to-four years. Medicare benefits expansion to include dental, vision, and hearing aid (from $358 billion to ~$200 billion or less). This provision is under pressure due to costs but Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont insists that it will be included to some extent. Dental is likely to be slashed. This part of the bill was supposed to be paid for by allowing Medicare to negotiate drug prices, which is still being discussed. The Hill reports that the government may be given the power to negotiate prices for Medicare Part B but not Part D.2  On the revenue side, Pelosi says the deal will include a harmonization of overseas taxes. This would include a minimum 15% corporate tax rate on book earnings in keeping with the international agreement the Biden administration has negotiated. An estimated ~$400 billion in new revenue would be raised. Senators Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona agree. Pelosi also claims agreement on tougher tax enforcement and a bulked-up Internal Revenue Service – a measure that is said to bring in $135 billion in revenue but which can be exaggerated to help cover the cost of new spending, at least on paper. What’s Already Been Chopped? Pelosi claims that the climate change disagreements are resolved. Manchin hails from a coal state where every single county favored President Trump for reelection. He  has nixed the Clean Energy Performance Program (CEPP) as well as any tax on carbon emissions.3 However, the $150 billion from CEPP will not be saved but redirected toward various other green energy projects. This solution confirms our view this year that Democrats would provide green subsidies but not punitive green measures. The US and global policy setting is favorable for renewable stocks, though the energy crunch in China and Europe is a sign that this trade is not a one-way trade since popular backlash against green policies is possible in future (Chart 4). Manchin is opposing the expansion of Medicaid to 12 states that have refused to expand it. The other 38 states had to pay 10% of the cost; a federal expansion would give it to the 12 laggards for free. Eliminating the provision entirely would put the onus back on the 12 states (useful for local Democrats) while cutting $141 billion from the overall cost of the reconciliation bill.4 Democrats have also agreed to cut the $88 billion proposal to make two years of community college tuition-free.   Chart 4Renewable Stocks Brush Off Energy Realism (For Now) Universal preschool (pre-kindergarten), which would cost $450 billion, is popular but now under fire. It is not in the list of progressive priorities and could be slashed. Housing aid at $300 billion is expected to be cut by half or more. Elderly care could fall from $400 billion to half or one-third of that. Immigration provisions are unlikely to appear in the final reconciliation bill, as noted above. The Senate Parliamentarian Elizabeth MacDonough has ruled that immigration is not germane to direct fiscal matters, which are the focus of the reconciliation process.5 The Democrats have a vested interest in immigration and are not acting with any urgency on the border in the meantime, setting up an immigration crisis in 2022 and beyond (Chart 5). Table 2 shows the original Democratic spending plan with annotations for the latest developments, which are all subject to change in the very near term. Chart 5Looming Crisis On Southern Border Table 2Senate Democratic Spending Plan Up For Negotiation What’s Next On The Chopping Block? On the revenue side, the following provisions are being debated: Corporate and Individual Tax Hikes: Senator Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona – who won her seat by a 2.4% margin in a state that President Biden carried by only 0.3% of the vote – has ostensibly succeeded in scrapping the corporate tax hike and individual income tax hike from the reconciliation package. Our guess is that these tax hikes will still somehow make it into the bill in a weaker form but if Sinema prevails then $710 billion in new revenue will be forgone.  Billionaire Tax: Democrats are also looking at a “billionaire tax,” although it would more accurately be called a hundred-millionaire tax based on what is known. It would be a yearly tax levied on the unrealized capital gains of those who own $1 billion in assets or who make $100 million in income over three consecutive years. Non-publicly traded assets would be taxed upon sale. This mark-to-market proposal is said to raise $250 billion in revenue, although nobody knows since tax evasion would be rife.6 It would be a popular tax but it is complex to administer, its constitutionality is uncertain, and it is being introduced in the eleventh hour. House negotiators would prefer straightforward corporate and high-income tax hikes.  Tax On Stock Buybacks: There is also a proposal to levy a 2% tax on stock buybacks, which would be popular and not so hard to implement as a wealth tax. But it is also being introduced late in the game. SALT Deduction Cap: Democrats from high tax states have relentlessly pushed to remove the cap on their deductions passed by Republicans. A temporary repeal for 2022-23 is being discussed but would be a handout to the upper and upper-middle class. Total repeal could deprive the overall package of $85 billion per year in revenue. Tobacco and E-Cigarettes: This tax is estimated to raise $97 billion but is regressive. Table 3 highlights the tax provisions according to the original Democratic plan along with annotations for recent developments. Table 3Democratic Tax Plan Up For Negotiation The Hyde amendment is lurking under the radar and could torpedo the entire bill – but we bet it will not. This provision has been included in legislation for half a century to prevent taxpayer money from directly funding abortion. President Biden, a Catholic, supported it until his 2020 presidential campaign when he caved to pressure from the progressives to remove it. However, Manchin insists on it.7 Since abortion is a moral dilemma, Manchin cannot compromise on it. Yet his “nay” would sink the entire reconciliation bill. So this is a mini-crisis waiting to happen and Hyde will most likely be included to save the bill. What’s The Time Frame? There are three soft deadlines and one hard deadline for these bills to pass. The soft deadlines are the following: October 31 – Transportation Funding Expires: House members want to pass the bipartisan infrastructure bill by October 31, along with a renewal of transport funds. This is a good plan because it separates bipartisan infrastructure from partisan reconciliation. But a short-term extension is also an option for transportation funding. It may be necessary if reconciliation is further delayed and House progressives refuse to support an infrastructure vote. November 1-2 – World Leaders Summit and UN Climate Change Conference: Democrats want a climate deal before Biden arrives in Glasgow, Scotland for the COP26 climate talks. It looks as if this will be achieved as we go to press. If not, Biden can offer vague promises instead. There will be no shortage of promises at Glasgow. November 9 – US Special Elections: If Democrats passed something before the various off-year elections are held then they would give their candidates a badly needed boost. Biden’s collapsing approval rating has been an albatross for Democratic candidates, including in the Virginia gubernatorial race (Chart 6). A signing ceremony at the White House would help take it off their necks. But lawmakers cannot speed up complex and controversial legislation just to save Terry McAuliffe’s bacon. The hard deadline is December 3, the new deadline for funding the federal government and raising the national debt limit. Republicans are unlikely to vote to raise the debt ceiling a second time this year so Democrats will most likely be forced to include it in the reconciliation bill. Importantly, the debt ceiling will help to ensure the reconciliation bill’s passage. Any Democratic senator or lawmaker who votes against the bill will bear unique responsibility for a default on the national debt and financial turmoil, not to mention the doom of his or her party in the midterm elections.  If anything this extreme cost suggests that our 65% subjectively probability for the bill’s passage is too low. What Are The Investment Implications? Democrats are likely to produce a $1.75-$2 trillion spending bill that raises around $1 trillion in new tax revenue. Our previous estimates of a net deficit impact of $1.2-$1.6 trillion for both the infrastructure and reconciliation bills will be updated when the framework reconciliation bill is put into writing but so far does not look far off the mark. Estimates for fiscal multipliers range widely (Table 4). The bipartisan infrastructure bill, with traditional or “hard” public investments, could have a multiplier of 0.4 to 2.2, based on the CBO’s retrospective 2015 estimates for the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (the stimulus passed during the Great Recession). The partisan reconciliation bill, with “human infrastructure” and social welfare spending, could have a fiscal multiplier ranging from 0.6x (the average of the COVID-19 relief in 2020) to 1.2 or 1.4 (Moody’s estimates of the impact of expanding the Child Tax Credit in 2010).  Table 4Range Of Fiscal Multipliers For Government Spending However, the US output gap is virtually closed and stands at a positive 1.5% of GDP, according to Bloomberg consensus estimates (Chart 7). Thus additional deficit spending is inflationary on the margin. Core inflation is elevated and there is no immediate prospect for commodity prices to fall drastically in the next few months given tight global supplies, the approach of winter weather, and the looming conflict over Iran’s nuclear program in the Persian Gulf. A future political liability is thus taking shape. American consumers and small businesses are becoming increasingly concerned about inflation, much more so than taxes and regulation (Chart 8). By the time of the midterm election in fall 2022, inflation may have subsided. But if it has not then the Democrats will take the blame. Chart 7The Vanishing Output Gap Chart 8The Inflation Threat The equity sectors that stood to suffer the most from any repeal of President Trump’s Tax Cuts And Jobs Act of 2017 were real estate, technology, health care, and utilities. The sectors that stood to suffer least were energy, industrials, consumer staples, and materials. If Democrats maintain Trump’s corporate rate then the former sectors will see a relief rally. However, Big Tech will suffer marginally from the imposition of a minimum global corporate tax. The global macro context favors cyclical sectors and value stocks over defensive sectors and growth stocks as long as bond yields and inflation expectations continue to rise. Chart 9 shows that companies that were formerly high tax companies rallied tremendously in the wake of Trump’s tax cuts, while those with high foreign tax risk underperformed. That process will likely be reaffirmed if Trump’s headline corporate rate is preserved while the minimum rate is imposed on companies with high foreign tax risk. Over the long run, inflation may or may not prove to be as big of a problem. The Biden bills should boost productivity, on top of the productivity improvement that has already occurred as a result of COVID-19 digitization efforts. US corporates would maintain a high degree of competitiveness if the corporate rate were to stay put. The original Biden plan would have put the US back at the highest level of integrated corporate income taxes out of all the OECD countries. Keeping corporate rates low, combined with public investments in infrastructure, the digital economy, renewable energy, and the social safety net should boost productivity, potential growth, and the US dollar. Chart 9High-Tax Basket Stands To Benefit - Along With Value Stocks If Congress returns to gridlock after the 2022 midterm elections as expected, then the fiscal splurge may be on pause at least until 2025. In that case the inflation risk in coming years will depend more on global rather than domestic developments. We have long argued that inflation risks are rising due to populism and fiscal extravagance in the United States. The Biden administration’s legislation marks a return of Big Government and a net increase in the budget deficit over the coming decade. However, the latest developments suggest it will not be the extravagant democratic-socialist blowout originally envisioned. If that proves true, then its long-run impact will be beneficial for the US economy and politics.  On a deeper level, the most important takeaway from the above analysis is that the Democrats remain limited by checks and balances. Beneath all the partisan acrimony, a new consensus is emerging in the US in favor of proactive fiscal policy (infrastructure, social safety net) and more hawkish trade policy (supply chain resilience, onshoring). The drivers of this new consensus are powerful: the elites do not want rebellion, the masses want a more favorable domestic economy, and both want greater strategic security relative to foreign competitors. The likely passage of the Strategic Competition Act by the end of the year, or at least the semiconductor portion of it, and the passage of a bulked up annual defense bill despite Democrats’ allegedly dovish bias, will further emphasize this point.  By compromising the plan to come closer to moderate senators’ demands, the Democrats are courting the median US voter and likely to minimize their losses in the midterm elections. Even assuming they still lose the House of Representatives at least, the new policy consensus will continue to develop because it shares core elements with the Republican agenda.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Appendix   Footnotes 1     See Congressional Progressive Caucus, “CPC Calls For 5 Key Priorities To Be Included In The American Jobs Plan,” April 9, 2021, progressives.house.gov. See also Tyler Stone, “Rep. Ilhan Omar: If Our Progressive Priorities Aren’t Met, No Legislation Will Pass,” July 30, 2021, realclearpolitics.com. 2     See Jennifer Scholtes, Marianne Levine, and Alice Miranda, “What’s Still In The Dem Megabill? Cheat Sheet On 12 Big Topics,” Politico, October 25, 2021, politico.com; Jordain Carney, “Sanders draws red lines on Medicare expansion, drug pricing plan in spending bill,” The Hill, October 26, 2021, thehill.com.  3    Benjamin J. Hulac, “Manchin Tries To Slow Clean Energy Shift As West Virginia Clings To Coal,” Roll Call, October 26, 2021, rollcall.com. 4    Jordain Carney, “Manchin Says Framework ‘Should’ Be Possible This Week,” The Hill, October 25, 2021, thehill.com. 5    Lisa Desjardins, “Read the Senate rules decision that blocks Democrats from putting immigration reform in the budget,” PBS, September 20, 2021, pbs.org.  6    See Naomi Jagoda, “Billonaire Tax Gains Momentum,” The Hill, October 26, 2021, thehill.com; Steven M. Rosenthal, “Wyden’s Billionaire Income Tax Is Ambitious But Problematic,” Tax Policy Center, October 25, 2021, taxpolicycenter.org; Scott A. Hodge, “The Rich Are Not Monolithic and Taxing Their Wealth Invites Tax Collection Volatility,” Tax Foundation, October 26, 2021, taxfoundation.org. 7     Sam Dorman, “Biden says he’d sign reconciliation package including Hyde Amendment,” Fox News, October 6, 2021, foxnews.com.   

Highlights Liquidity conditions in Bangladesh are easy and growth has revived. Exports are set to recover as well. Foreign reserve accumulation will continue, which will have positive implications for the economy and stock prices. Steadily rising capital expenditure has improved the economy’s productivity and competitiveness. Progress towards gender and income equality has also been impressive. Growth will stay strong and steady, which warrants higher equity multiples. Bangladeshi stocks also have low correlation with their EM and Emerging Asian counterparts, providing diversification benefits. Absolute return investors should buy this market on dips. Dedicated EM/Frontier market equity portfolios should consider overweighting Bangladeshi stocks. Feature A new business cycle appears to be unfolding in Bangladesh. Domestic demand has picked up. Exports are slated to rise as well. The country’s structural progress also continues to be impressive. Not surprisingly, stocks have gone up in tandem. Yet, high and rising oil prices may lead to a pause in the rally. Absolute-return investors with a time horizon of more than one year should therefore consider accumulating equities on dips. Dedicated equity investors should consider adding the very ‘low-correlation’ Bangladeshi equity market to an EM Asia/EM equity portfolio (Chart 1).   External Tailwinds Bangladesh’s foreign reserves have surged to a new high. This has been a very positive development for both the economy and stock prices (Chart 2). Chart 1Bangladeshi Stocks Will Benefit From Liquidity Tailwinds Chart 2Foreign Reserves, M1 And Stock Prices Chart 3Both Current And Capital Account Balances Have Improved The country’s balance of payments (BoP) has improved substantially in the last couple of years. The improvement can be attributed to both current and capital accounts: The current account deficit has narrowed significantly since 2018. The improvement will likely persist as the outlook of its two main components are both promising: Remittances have surged to an all-time high of $25 billion over the past 12-months. In the coming year too, it will likely stay buoyant thanks to a 2% incentive scheme that the government introduced on inward remittances (Chart 3, top panel). The second major component, the trade deficit, will likely stabilize. This is because exports are set to pick up, in part due to rising orders from the EU, Bangladesh’s prime export destination (Chart 4). The recent surge in trade credit inflows also implies a significant rise in export revenues in the coming months (Chart 5). That said, high oil prices, if they remain as such, will lead to higher import bills. Crude and petroproducts make up about 10% of Bangladesh’s import costs and can be a headwind to the trade balance, and by extension, stock prices. Chart 6 shows that stock prices accelerate when oil prices are low, but struggle when oil prices rise. Chart 4Strong EU Orders Means Exports Are Set To Accelerate Further Chart 5A Surge In Trade Credit Also Implies Strong Export Numbers Ahead   Capital account inflows have risen sharply too. The rise is due mainly to surging trade financing inflows (as mentioned above), and elevated government foreign borrowing (Chart 3, bottom panel). Going forward, trade financing inflows can remain at a high level if the country continues to obtain the same volume of export orders. The government’s foreign borrowing may also persist. Notably, this long-term financing is mostly used to import capital goods – something that the country needs for its investment and infrastructure projects (Chart 7). With Bangladesh’s ever-rising capital expenditure, such long-term capital inflows – either in the form of government borrowing, or FDI, or a combination of two – will likely continue. If so, this will not only help boost the country’s BoP in the short-term, but it will also be a long-term positive for Bangladesh since capital spending will help improve productivity. Chart 6Stocks Struggle Whenever Oil Prices Rise Too Much Chart 7Government's Foreign Borrowings Help Finance Infrastructure Projects   Overall, odds are that the BoP will stay in healthy surplus, thus allowing the central bank continue to accumulate foreign exchange reserves. This has major ramifications for the domestic economy. Rising foreign reserves augment domestic money supply. Stronger money supply is bullish for the economy, and in turn, stock prices (Chart 2, above).   Growth Has Revived Domestic demand has revived. Manufacturing has risen to well-above pre-pandemic levels. Robust economic activity is also vouched for by strong electricity generation (Chart 8). What’s more, the recovery will likely have legs as a new credit cycle could well be unfolding. For one, banks are flush with excess reserves – usually a precursor to rising credit going forward. This is because the Bangladeshi central bank uses excess reserves to achieve its monetary policy objectives1 (Chart 9). Chart 8Bangladesh's Domestic Growth Has Revived Well Beyond Pre-Pandemic Levels Chart 9A Deluge Of Excess Reserves Will Help Kickstart A New Credit Cycle Chart 10Banks' NPL Problems Have Abated Marginally Incidentally, the central bank is planning to engineer an acceleration in its domestic credit growth rate to 17.8% by June 2022, up from 10.3% in June 2021. It is also planning to augment the broad money growth to 15% from 13.6% in June 2021 as part of its 2021-22 policy objectives. That means the monetary policy setting will remain very accommodating in the foreseeable future, paving the way for a new credit cycle. Notably, the country’s inflation is under control, with both headline and core CPI hovering around 5 - 6% over the past few years. Wage growth has also been broadly in line with consumer inflation and shows no sign of accelerating. Contained wages and consumer price inflation will make the central bank’s plan to run easy policy more feasible.  Meanwhile, the banks’ bad loan problems have abated somewhat. As per the latest data from the IMF, the banking system’s gross NPL ratio has fallen to 8.1%, and its net NPL ratio to 4.6% as of Q1 this year (Chart 10, top panel). The lingering NPLs are concentrated in a handful of state-owned banks whose role in the economy has steadily diminished and which now hold about 20% of the banking sector loans. Banks' capital adequacy ratios are also decent at 11.6% and 7.8% (for Tier I capital) respectively (Chart 10, bottom panel). Hence, banks will likely be more willing to expand their loan books going forward which should help propel economy. Chart 11Bangladesh Has Notched Up Impressive Growth Without Any Credit Gush Remarkably, over the past decade, Bangladesh has been able to notch up a robust growth rate of 7%+ without any credit gush in the economy. Domestic credit, at 48% of GDP, is at the same level as it was ten years ago (Chart 11). Hence, should a new credit cycle unfold, Bangladeshi’s growth rate will likely move up a notch higher than it has been in the recent past. The country’s fiscal stance is not going to be tight either. The parliament has passed a budget for the 2021-22 fiscal year (July – June) that envisages a nominal spending growth of 6.3%. Incidentally, government debt is rather low at 23% of GDP. Including the debt held by all the public corporations (concentrated in public financial corporations), gross public debt goes up to 56% of GDP - still a manageable figure.  Real government borrowing costs are low as well. The 10-year nominal bond yield is at 6%; in real terms (deflated by non-food CPI), it is 0%. Thus, fiscal authorities have the wherewithal to ramp up borrowing and spending to stimulate the economy should there be a need. Robust Structural Backdrop Structurally, the Bangladeshi economy is remarkably resilient. The growth rate has not only been very steady but has also seen acceleration over the past quarter century. This is in sharp contrast to the boom-and-bust cycles experienced in most other developing nations (Chart 12). Even during the recent pandemic, Bangladesh has been one of the rare countries where growth has remained positive. Importantly, factors behind this stable growth are likely to persist: Bangladesh has done very well to ramp up its capital expenditure to a substantial 32% of GDP, one of the highest rates globally (Chart 13, top panel). This has helped the economy gain competitiveness over time – which is evident in the continued improvement in its net exports volume (Chart 13, bottom panel). Chart 12Bangladeshi Economy Has Been Devoid Of Boom-Bust Cycles Chart 13Strong And Rising Capex Has Led To Higher Competitiveness   Strong capex has also been instrumental for the economy to grow at a very robust 6-7% rate for decades at a stretch and yet keep inflation under control. This indicates that productive capacity and labor productivity have been rising. Inflation is often a binding constraint to fast growth over a prolonged period of time. Bangladesh’s productivity growth rates have indeed risen to among the highest rates globally, the pandemic-hit last year being a deviation from the long-term trend (Chart 14). What’s more, given the sustained investment in productive capacity and the still low absolute level of labor productivity – compared to other East and South-east Asian economies – Bangladesh should continue to see robust productivity gains in the foreseeable future. Bangladesh specializes in a staple consumer product: textiles. Rising productivity has helped export volumes quintuple over the past two decades; handily beating both emerging markets and global exports volume growth. Incidentally, in common currency terms, the relative wage ratio between Bangladesh and China has been flat at a low level. This has helped Bangladesh remain competitive and continue to expand its global export market share (Chart 15). Chart 14Bangladesh's Productivity Growth Rate Is Among The Best Globally Chart 15Bangladesh Has Been Consistently Gaining Market Share In Global Trade   The country’s demographic outlook is also positive. The working age population as a share of the total is projected to rise for another decade.2 Together, strong productivity growth and a rising labor force will ensure an enviable potential growth rate of around 7 - 8% over the next decade. Inclusive, Sustainable Growth Economic factors aside, strong and steady growth in Bangladesh also owes much of its achievements to social progress. Over the past few decades, the country has attained significant improvements in various human development areas: Bangladesh boasts of one of the highest female participation rates in its labor force in the Muslim world. At 36%, this is almost twice as high as the Middle East & North Africa (20%), Pakistan (22%), and neighboring India (21%) – as per the World Bank. In the fledgling textile industry in Bangladesh, over 75% of workers are women. The country pioneered microcredit, which by design mostly goes to women. The social fabric of the country is changing as women are now much more likely to make family / economic decisions. Spending on children’s food, health and education has gone up. Women’s fertility rates have gone down significantly. At the same time, infant / maternal mortality rates have witnessed one of the fastest declines seen anywhere globally.   Chart 16Bangladesh’s Income Inequality Has Remained Low As Growth Has Been Inclusive Bangladesh’s income inequality – as measured by the Gini index – is one of the lowest in the world (Chart 16). What’s more, despite strong growth, inequality has not risen over the past 25 years. This is in stark contrast to many other advanced and developing countries. Such inclusive growth has rendered the society more equitable, making growth itself more sustainable. Bangladeshis have largely embraced their more liberal linguistic identity over their religious identity. For context, Bengali-speaking Bangladesh was born out of an extremely violent secession from the Urdu-speaking people of Pakistan in 1971 as the former realized that culturally their linguistic identity supersedes their religious identity.3  As such, the vast majority of Bangladeshis practice a moderate form of Islam. This factor has helped to encourage such social changes as the empowerment of women and the expansion of microcredit as religious / cultural opposition has been low. These major traits of this society, including those of gender and income equality, are likely to persist in the foreseeable future. Therefore, odds are that the strong growth will continue to remain inclusive and therefore sustainable. Investment Conclusions The Bangladeshi equity market exhibits a very low and often a negative correlation with both the EM and Emerging Asian markets. In particular, periods of global risk aversions, such as in 2014-15 and early 2020 saw the correlations turn negative. This increases market attractiveness to asset allocators as it will allow them to reap diversification benefits (Chart 17). That said, this bourse has risen significantly over the past year or so and has outperformed its EM counterparts (Chart 1 in page 1). Its valuations have also risen and are now on par with their EM peers (Chart 18). As such, there could well be a period of indigestion / consolidation – especially if our view of a stronger dollar and rising US bond yields transpires, and oil prices remain elevated over the next several months. Chart 17Bangladeshi Stocks' Correlation With EM Turns Negative During Bear Markets Chart 18Bangladeshi Stock Valuations Have Risen, But Are Not Excessive   Putting it all together, we recommend that absolute return investors with a time horizon of over one year should adopt a strategy of ‘buying on dips’ for Bangladeshi stocks. Dedicated EM/frontier market equity portfolios should consider overweighting Bangladeshi stocks. Finally, regarding the currency, the Bangladeshi taka will likely remain more or less stable over the next year or so. The taka rarely depreciates unless the country’s BoP begins to deteriorate materially. As explained above, that is not in the cards. Rajeeb Pramanik Senior EM Strategist rajeeb.pramanik@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Bangladeshi central bank tries to control the ‘quantity’ of money/credit, rather than the ‘price (i.e., interest rate)’ to conduct its monetary policy. To explain, it controls the ‘reserve money’ growth and thereby impact the ‘broad money (M2)’ growth - to achieve its objectives on economic growth, inflation, and the exchange rate. 2 As per the United Nations’ World Population Prospects 2019. The same metric for Vietnam, Bangladesh’s main exports competitor, has peaked in 2015. 3 For a detailed account of the geopolitical outlook of Bangladesh and the larger South Asia, please see South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theatre from BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy team.