Manufacturing
Highlights It is too early to conclude that the PBoC’s surprise rate cut last Friday to its reserve requirement ratio (RRR) marks the beginning of another policy easing cycle. Historically it took more than a single RRR reduction to lower interest rates and to boost credit growth. Overall economic conditions do not yet suggest that Chinese policymakers will initiate a broad-based policy easing to spur demand. The end-of-July Politburo meeting will shed more light on whether there is a decisive turn in China’s overall policy stance. In previous cycles, consecutive RRR cuts led to bond market rallies, but were not good leading indicators for equities, which have been more closely correlated with cyclical swings in credit and business cycle. We recommend patience. Chinese onshore stocks are richly valued and their prices can still correct in Q3 when corporate profits and economic growth slow further. Feature The speed and magnitude of the PBoC’s 50-basis point trim in its RRR rate last week exceeded market expectations. The RRR rate drop, combined with June’s better-than-expected credit data, sparked speculation that China’s macroeconomic policy had shifted to an easier mode. A single RRR cut does not indicate that another policy easing cycle is underway. Rather, the PBoC’s intention is to prevent rising demand for liquidity in 2H21 from significantly pushing up interest rates. In addition, we do not expect that the credit impulse will decisively turn around until later this year. We will remain alert to any signs of additional policy easing, particularly because policymakers will face more pressure to maintain trend growth next year. The July Politburo meeting may provide more information on the direction of Chinese macro policy going forward. Meanwhile, investors should stay the course. In previous cycles there were long lags between the first RRR cut and sustained rallies in China’s onshore stock markets. We will continue to maintain an underweight stance towards Chinese stocks through the next three months, given that economic data and corporate profits will likely weaken further in Q3. Surprise, Surprise! The PBoC lowered the RRR rate only two days after the State Council mentioned the possibility, which exceeded the consensus. Historically, the PBoC has always made more than one RRR reduction during easing cycles, separated by about three months. Are more RRR cuts pending and does the initial decrease mark the beginning of another policy easing cycle? It is too early to conclude that a broad-based easing cycle has started, for the following reasons: First, economic fundamentals do not suggest an urgent need for policy easing. The economy is softening, but it is softening from a very elevated level (Chart 1). Importantly, production is weakening at a faster pace than demand and partially due to COVID-related idiosyncrasies. This supply-side issue cannot be solved by monetary easing. For example, the production subcomponent of the manufacturing PMI fell in June while new orders increased (Chart 2). Since its trough in April last year, the gap between new orders and production has consistently narrowed for 11 of the past 15 months, highlighting that the demand-side recovery has been outpacing the supply-side. The recent resurgence in COVID-19 cases and local lockdowns in Guangdong province, which is China’s manufacturing and export powerhouse, may have curbed June’s manufacturing production and new export orders. Global supply shortages in raw materials and chips also add to the sluggishness in manufacturing production. Chart 1Chinese Economy Is Slowing, But Not Too Slow Chart 2Demand Not As Soft Compared With Production Similarly, China’s service PMI slipped notably in June and has closely tracked the country’s domestic COVID-19 situation. The decline is an issue that policy easing and boosting demand will not solve (Chart 3). Secondly, global supply chains are still impaired and commodity prices remain elevated. Even though China’s PPI on a year-over-year basis rolled over in June, it is at its highest level since 2008 (Chart 4). As such, spurring demand through monetary easing would only exacerbate inflationary pressures among producers. Chart 3Slow Recovery In Services Largely Due To Lingering COVID Effects Chart 4Producer Prices Remain Elevated Apart from COVID-related disruptions, the weakness in China’s economy this year has been driven by slower growth in infrastructure and real estate investment due to tightened regulatory oversights that were put in place late last year (Chart 5). Construction PMI declined sharply from its peak in March and both excavator sales and loader sales have plummeted since Q1 this year (Chart 5, bottom panel). However, regulatory tightening towards the housing market and infrastructure projects remain firmly in place, suggesting that policymakers are not looking to stimulate the old economy sectors to support growth. Lastly, despite weaker home sales, housing prices in tier-one cities continue to escalate (Chart 6). The rising prices will keep authorities vigilant about excessive liquidity in the market. Chart 5It Has Been Chinese Policymakers' Intention To Slow The 'Old Economy' Sectors Chart 6Housing Market Mania Remains Authorities' Pressure Point Bottom Line: Supply-demand dynamics in the global economy and China’s domestic inflationary pressures suggest that it is premature to assume that the RRR cut marks the beginning of another policy easing cycle. Why Now? Chart 7More 'Pain' Needed For Broad Easing The drop in the RRR highlights the PBoC’s determination to maintain a low interest-rate environment without any further easing, and does not indicate that the central bank has shifted its current policy setting framework. The PBoC has been reactive rather than proactive in the past as it typically waits for severe signs of economic weakness before broadly relaxing its policy (Chart 7). The PBoC cited two main reasons for the RRR cut. One is to ease liquidity pressures of small to medium enterprises (SMEs), which have been struggling with rising input prices and subdued output prices (Chart 8). This motive is consistent with the PBoC’s monetary position so far this year –the central bank has kept rates at historical low levels while scaling back credit creation (Chart 9). Chart 8SMEs Under Elevated Pricing Stress Chart 9The PBoC Has Kept Rates At Historic Low Levels Demand for liquidity will rise meaningfully in the second half of the year due to an acceleration in local government bond issuance and the large number of expiring medium-term lending facility (MLF) loans and bonds. The liquidity gap could significantly push up interbank and market-based interest rates without the central bank’s intervention. The amount of maturing MLF and government bonds could be more than RMB1 trillion in July. Thus, the 50bp RRR cut, which the PBoC indicates will free up about RMB1 trillion of liquidity to the banking system, will ensure that interest rates remain stable. Chart 10Bank Lending Rates Have Not Declined With Policy Rates The PBoC also stated that it intends to keep down financing costs for both banks and SMEs. The statement is vague, but the PBoC may mean it plans to guide bank lending rates lower for SMEs and, at the same time, provide banks (particularly smaller banks) with enough liquidity to encourage lending to those enterprises. To achieve this goal, a broad-based RRR cut would be more effective than other monetary policy tools, such as open-market operations or MLF injections, which normally benefit large commercial banks more than their smaller counterparts. While interbank rates have been sliding since Q4 last year, the weighted average lending rates moved sideways and even ticked up slightly this year (Chart 10). As of Q1 2021, more than half of bank loans charged higher interest rates than the loan prime rate (LPR), highlighting a distribution matrix unfavorable to SMEs (Chart 11). Loan demand from SMEs, as shown in the PBoC survey, peaked much earlier and tumbled more rapidly than their large peers (Chart 12). Chart 11SMEs Face Rising Input And Funding Costs Chart 12Waning SMEs' Demand For Bank Credit Lowering lending rates for SMEs is usually at the cost of the banks by bearing higher default risks and lower profits. A RRR reduction, coupled with recent changes in banks’ deposit rate pricing mechanisms,1 are measures that can potentially reduce the banks’ liability costs. Bottom Line: The PBoC is using a RRR cut to avoid a sudden jump in interest rates from their low levels in 1H21, and to reduce funding costs for the SMEs and banks. What About Credit Growth? Chart 13Credit Numbers In June Beat Market Expectations Credit numbers beat the market’s expectations in June. Both credit growth and impulse rose slightly after a fast deceleration in much of 1H21 (Chart 13). We continue to expect the credit impulse to hover at a low level throughout Q3. Local government bond issuance will pick up in 2H21, but the acceleration will not necessarily lead to a reversal in credit growth (Chart 14). On a year-over-year basis, high base during Q3 last year will depress credit growth and impulse in the next three months. Moreover, in the past couple years, on average local government bonds account for only about 18% of annual total social financing. As such, the pace of bank loan expansion would need to substantially accelerate to reverse the slowdown in credit growth in the next three months. In previous cycles, on average it took more than one RRR cut and about two quarters for credit growth to turn around (Chart 15). Therefore, even if monetary policy is on an easing path, we expect credit growth to pick up in Q4 at the earliest. Chart 14LG Bonds Only A Small Part Of Total Credit Creation Chart 15Credit Growth Lags RRR Cuts By About Two Quarters Furthermore, policymakers are unlikely to deviate from targeting credit growth in line with nominal GDP this year. Based on our estimate, the target suggests that the overall credit impulse relative to 2020 will be negative this year (Chart 16). Chart 16Negative Credit Impulse In 2021 Relative To 2020 Chart 17The Credit Structure, Rather Than Volume, Will Improve In 2H21 Meanwhile, we think that the PBoC will focus on improving the structure of credit creation by continuing to encourage medium- to long-term lending, while scaling back shadow banking and short-term loans (Chart 17). Corporate bond financing improved slightly in June. However, room for further improvement in corporate bond issuance is small this year, given tightened financing reglations on local government financing vehicles. Downside potential for corporate bond yields is also limited in 2H21, when the economy slows and corporate bond default risks are rising (Chart 18). Given elevated housing prices and tightened regulations to contain the property sector’s leverage, bank lending to real estate developers and mortgages will continue to trend down in the foreseeable future, regardless the direction of interest rates (Chart 19). Chart 18Limited Upsides For Corporate Bond Issuance In 2H21 Chart 19Bank Loans To Property Market Unlikely To Pick Up In 2H21 Bottom Line: Regardless changes in monetary policy, credit growth will not decisively bottom until later this year. Investment Implications Chart 20Chinese Stock Prices Failed To Break Out Chinese stocks in both onshore and offshore equity markets failed to reverse their trend of underperformance relative to global stocks (Chart 20). Investors should be patient in upgrading their allocation to Chinese stocks from underweight to overweight, in both absolute terms and within a global equity portfolio. Historically, there has been a long lag between an initial RRR trim and a trough in Chinese onshore stock prices (Chart 21). Although prices moved up along with RRR cut announcements in the past, the price upticks were short lived. Stock prices in previous cycles troughed when the credit impulse and/or the economy bottomed. Given our view that a single RRR decrease does not indicate a broad-based policy easing and the credit impulse is unlikely to pick up until later this year, investors should wait for more price setbacks in Q3 before favoring Chinese stocks again. Chart 21Long Lags Between First RRR Cut And Stock Market Troughs We are slightly more optimistic than last month about Chinese bonds because the RRR cut has reduced the possibility for any substantial rise in interest rates in 2H21. However, we maintain a cautious view on Chinese government and corporate bonds in Q3. In previous cycles, onshore bond yields often fluctuated sideways or even climbed a bit following the first RRR reduction. It often took several RRR drops, more policy easing signals and sure signs of economic weakening for the bond market to enter a tradable bull run (Chart 22). Therefore, we recommend investors stay on the sidelines for a better entry price point. Chart 22It Takes More Than One RRR Cut To Start A Bond Market Bull Run It is also unrealistic to expect the RRR cut will lead to significant and sustained devaluation in the RMB relative to the US dollar. We expect the dollar index to rebound somewhat in Q3 on the back of positive US employment data surprises which will push US bond yields higher. However, following previous RRR cuts, the RMB had sizeable depreciations only when geopolitical events (the US-China trade war in 2018/19) or drastic central bank intervention (the August 2015 de-pegging from the USD) coincided with the RRR cuts. These scenarios are not likely to play out in the next six months (Chart 23). As such, we maintain our view that the CNY will slightly weaken against the USD in Q3 but will end the year at around 6.4. Chart 23Expect Muted And Short-Lived Movements In The USDCNY From A Single RRR Cut Jing Sima China Strategist jings@bcaresearch.com Qingyun Xu, CFA Associate Editor qingyunx@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1The reform changes the way banks calculate and offer deposit rates. The upper limit is set on their deposit interest rates by adding basis points to the central bank’s benchmark deposit rates, rather than multiplying the benchmark rates by a specific number. Exclusive: Banks Prepare to Lower Deposit Rates as Rate Cap Reform Takes Effect (caixinglobal.com) Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations
Highlights Three distinct forces are likely to make South Asia’s geopolitical risks increasingly relevant to global investors. First, India’s tensions with China stem from China’s growing foreign policy assertiveness and India’s shift away from traditional neutrality toward aligning with the US and its allies. This creates a security dilemma in South Asia, just as in East Asia. Second, India’s economy is sputtering in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, adding fuel to nationalism and populism in advance of a series of important elections. India will stimulate the economy but it could also become more reactive on the international scene. Third, the US is withdrawing from Afghanistan and negotiating a deal with Iran in an effort to reduce the US military presence in the Middle East and South Asia. This will create a scramble for influence across both regions and a power vacuum in Afghanistan that is highly likely to yield negative surprises for India and its neighbors. Traditionally geopolitical risks in South Asia have a limited impact on markets. India’s growth slowdown and forthcoming fiscal stimulus are more relevant for investors. However, a sharp rise in geopolitical risk would undermine India’s structural advantages as the West diversifies away from China. Stay short Indian banks. Feature Geopolitical risks in South Asia are slowly but surely rising. India-Pakistan and China-India are well-known “conflict-dyads” or pairings. Historically, these two sets have been fighting each other over their fuzzy Himalayan border with limited global financial market consequences. But now fundamental changes are afoot that are altering the geopolitical setting in the region. Specifically, the coming together of three distinct forces could trigger a significant geopolitical event in South Asia. The three forces are as follow: Force #1: Sino-Indian Tensions Get Real About a year ago, Indian and Chinese troops clashed in Ladakh, a disputed territory in the Kashmir region. Following these clashes China reduced its military presence in the Pangong Tso area but its presence in some neighboring areas remains meaningful. Besides the troop build-up along India’s eastern border, China is building more air combat infrastructure in its India-facing western theatre. China’s major air bases have historically been concentrated in China’s eastern region, away from the Indian border (Map 1). Consequently, India has historically enjoyed an advantage in airpower. But China appears to be working to mitigate this disadvantage. Map 1Most Of China’s Major Aviation Units Are Located Away From India Owing to China’s increased military focus along the Sino-India border, India’s threat perception of China has undergone a fundamental change in recent years. Notably, India has diverted some of its key army units away from its western Indo-Pak border towards its eastern border with China. India could now have nearly 200,000 troops deployed along its border with China, which would mark a 40% increase from last year.1 Turning attention to the Indo-Pak border, India’s problems with Pakistan appear under control for now. This is owing to the ceasefire agreement that was renewed by the two countries in February 2021. However, this peace cannot possibly be expected to last. This is mainly because core problems between the two countries (like Pakistan’s support of militant proxies and India’s control over Kashmir) remain unaddressed. History too suggests that bouts of peace between the two warring neighbors rarely last long. These bouts usually end abruptly when a terrorist attack takes place in India. With both political turbulence and economic distress in Pakistan rising, the fragile ceasefire between India and Pakistan could be upended over the next six months. In fact, two events over the last week point to the fragility of the ceasefire: Two drones carrying explosives entered an Indian air force station located in Jammu and Kashmir (i.e. a northern territory that India recently reorganized, to Pakistan’s chagrin). Even as no casualties were reported, this attack marks a turning point for terrorist activity in India as this was the first-time terrorists used drones to enter an Indian military base. Hours later, another drone attack struck an Indian base at the Ratnuchak-Kaluchak army station, the site of a major terrorist attack in 2002. Chart 1China, Pakistan And India Cumulatively Added 41 Nuclear Warheads Over 2020 Given that the ceasefire was agreed recently, any further increase in terrorist activity in India over the next six months would suggest that a more substantial breakdown in relations is nigh. Distinct from these recent tensions, China’s troop deployment along India’s eastern arm and Pakistan’s presence along India’s western arm creates a strategic “pincer” that increasingly threatens India. India is naturally concerned. China and Pakistan are allies who have been working closely on projects including the strategic China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The CPEC is a collection of infrastructure projects in Pakistan that includes the development of a port in Gwadar where a future presence of the People's Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) is envisaged. Gwadar has the potential of providing China land-based access to the Indian Ocean. Trust in the South Asian region is clearly running low. Distinct from troop build-ups and drone-attacks, China, Pakistan, and India cumulatively added more than 40 nuclear warheads over the last year (Chart 1). China is reputed to be engaged in an even larger increase in its nuclear arsenal than the data show.2 From a structural perspective, too, geopolitical risks in the South Asian peninsula are bound to keep rising. When it comes to the conflicting Indo-Pak dyad, India’s geopolitical power has been rising relative to that of Pakistan in the 2000s. However, the geopolitical muscle of the Sino-Pak alliance is much greater than that of India on a standalone basis (Chart 2). Chart 2India Has Aligned With The QUAD To Counter The Sino-Pak Alliance China’s active involvement in South Asia is responsible for driving India’s increasing desire to abandon its historical foreign policy stance of non-alignment. India’s membership in the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (also known as the QUAD, whose other members include the US, Japan, and Australia) bears testimony to India’s active effort to develop closer relations with the US and its allies (Chart 2). India’s alignment with the US is deepening China’s and Pakistan’s distrust of India. Conventional and nuclear military deterrence should prevent full-scale war. But the regional balance is increasingly fluid which means geopolitical risks will slowly but surely rise in South Asia over the coming year and years. Force #2: A Growth Slowdown Alongside India’s Loaded Election Calendar The pandemic has hit the economies of South Asia particularly hard. South Asia historically maintained higher real GDP growth rates relative to Emerging Markets (EMs). But in 2021, this region’s growth rate is set to be lower than that of EM peers (Chart 3). History is replete with examples of a rise in economic distress triggering geopolitical events. South Asia is characterized by unusually low per capita incomes (Chart 4) and the latest slowdown could exacerbate the risk of both social unrest and geopolitical incidents materialising. Chart 3South Asian Economies Have Been Hit Hard By The Pandemic Chart 4South Asia Is Characterized By Very Low Per Capita Incomes To complicate matters a busy state elections calendar is coming up in India. Elections will be due in seven Indian states in 2022. These states account for about 25% of India’s population. State elections due in 2022 will amount to a high-stakes political battle. During state elections in 2021, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was the incumbent in only one of the five states. In 2022, the BJP is the incumbent party in most of the states that are due for elections, which means it has the advantage but also has a lot to lose, especially in a post-pandemic environment. Elections kick off in the crucial state of Uttar Pradesh next February. Last time this state faced elections Prime Minister Narendra Modi was willing to go to great lengths to boost his popularity ahead of time. Specifically, he upset the nation with a large-scale and unprecedented de-monetization program. Given the busy state election calendar in 2022, we expect the BJP-led central government to focus on policy actions that can improve its support among Indian voters. Two policies in particular are likely to come through: Fiscal Stimulus Measures To Provide Economic Relief: India has refrained from administering a large post-pandemic stimulus thus far. As per budget estimates, the Indian central government’s total expenditure in FY22 is set to increase only by 1% on a year-on-year basis. But the expenditure-side restraint shown by India’s central government could change. With elections and a pandemic (which has now claimed over 400,000 lives in India), the central government could consider a meaningful increase in spending closer to February 2022. Map 2Northern India Views Pakistan Even More Unfavorably Than Rest Of India India’s Finance Minister already announced a fiscal stimulus package of $85 billion (amounting to 2.8% of GDP) earlier this week. Whilst this stimulus entails limited fresh spending (amounting to about 0.6% of India’s GDP), we would not be surprised if the government follows it up with more spending closer to February 2022. Assertive Foreign Policy To Ward-Off Unfriendly Neighbors: India’s northern states are known to harbor unfavorable views of Pakistan (Map 2). The roots of this phenomenon can be traced to geography and the bloody civil strife of 1947 that was triggered by the partition of British-ruled India into the two independent dominions of India and Pakistan. Given the north’s unfavorable views of Pakistan and given looming elections, Indian policy makers may be forced to adopt a far more aggressive foreign policy response, to any terrorist strikes from Pakistan or territorial incursions by China. This kind of response was observed most recently ahead of the Indian General Elections in April-May 2019. An Indian military convoy was attacked by a suicide-bomber in early February 2019 and a Pakistan-based terrorist group claimed responsibility. A fortnight later the Indian air force launched unexpected airstrikes across the Line of Control which were then followed by the Pakistan air force conducting air strikes in Jammu and Kashmir. While the next round of Pakistani and Indian general elections is not due until 2023 and 2024, respectively, it is worth noting that of the seven state elections due in India in 2022, four are in the north (Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Uttarakhand, and Himachal Pradesh). Force #3: Power Vacuum In Afghanistan The final reason to be wary of the South Asian geopolitical dynamic is the change in US policy: both the Iran nuclear deal expected in August and the impending withdrawal from Afghanistan in September. The US public has now elected three presidents on the demand that foreign wars be reduced. In the wake of Trump and populism the political establishment is now responding. Therefore Biden will ultimately implement both the Iran deal and the Afghan withdrawal regardless of delays or hang-ups. But then he will have to do damage control. In the case of Iran, a last-minute flare-up of conflict in the region is likely this summer, as the US, Israel, Saudi Arabia, and Iran underscore their red lines before the US and Iran settle down to a deal. Indeed it is already happening, with recent US attacks against Iran-backed Shia militias in Syria and Iraq. A major incident would push up oil prices, which is negative for India. But the endgame, an Iranian economic opening, is positive for India, since it imports oil and has had close relations with Iran historically. In the case of Afghanistan, the US exit will activate latent terrorist forces. It will also create a scramble for influence over this landlocked country that could lead to negative surprises across the region. The first principle of the peace agreement between the US and Afghanistan states that the latter will make all efforts to ensure that Afghan soil is not used to further terrorist activity. However, the enforceability of such a guarantee is next to impossible. Notably, the US withdrawal from Afghanistan will revive the Taliban’s influence in the region. This poses major risks for India, which has a long history of being targeted by Afghani terrorist groups. The Taliban played a critical role in the release of terrorists into Pakistan following the hijacking of an Indian Airlines flight in 1999. Furthermore, the Haqqani network, which has pledged allegiance to the Taliban, has attacked Indian assets in the past. Any attack on India deriving from the power vacuum in Afghanistan would upset the precarious regional balance. Whilst there are no immediate triggers for Afghani groups to launch a terrorist attack in India, the US withdrawal will trigger a tectonic shift in the region. Negative surprises emanating from Afghanistan should be expected. Investment Conclusions Chart 5Indian Banks Appear To Have Factored In All Positives We reiterate the need to pare exposure to Indian assets on a tactical basis. India’s growth engine is likely to misfire over the second half of the Indian financial year. Macroeconomic headwinds pose the chief risk for investors, but major geopolitical changes could act as a negative catalyst in the current context. So we urge clients to stay short Indian Banks (Chart 5). Financials account for the lion’s share of India’s benchmark index (26% weight). India could opt for an unexpected expansion in its fiscal deficit soon. Whilst we continue to watch fiscal dynamics closely, we expect the fiscal expansion to materialize closer to February 2022 when India’s most populous state (i.e. Uttar Pradesh) will undergo elections. Over the long run, India’s sense of insecurity will escalate in the context of a more assertive China, stronger Sino-Pakistani ties, and a power vacuum in Afghanistan. For that reason, New Delhi will continue to shed its neutrality and improve relations with the US-led coalition of democratic countries, with an aim to balance China. This process will feed China’s insecurity of being surrounded and contained by a hegemonic American system. This security dilemma is a source of South Asian geopolitical risk that will become more globally relevant over time. China’s conflict with the US and western world should create incentives for India to attract trade and investment. However, its ability to do so will be contingent upon domestic political factors and regional geopolitical factors. Ritika Mankar, CFA Editor/Strategist ritika.mankar@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Sudhi Ranjan Sen, ‘India Shifts 50,000 Troops to China Border in Historic Move’, Bloomberg, June 28, 2021, bloomberg.com. 2 Joby Warrick, “China is building more than 100 missile silos in its western desert, analysts say,” Washington Post, June 30, 2021, washingtonpost.com.
Dear Client, Next week, in lieu of our regular weekly report, I will be hosting two webcasts where I will discuss the outlook for China’s economy and financial markets, a year into policy normalization. The webcasts will be held on Tuesday, June 22 at 10:00 am EDT (English), and Thursday, June 24 at 9:00 am HKT (Mandarin). We will return to our regular publishing schedule on Wednesday, June 30. Best regards, Jing Sima, China Strategist Feature China’s onshore stocks rebounded in the past two months on the back of a rapidly appreciating RMB versus the US dollar and accelerating foreign capital inflows (Chart 1). However, in our view, China’s domestic policy backdrop and economic fundamentals do not support a sustained rally in Chinese stocks in the next six months. The RMB’s rise vis-à-vis the US dollar will likely falter in the second half of the year as China’s growth weakens. A narrowing in real yields later this year between China’s government bonds and US Treasuries will also discourage foreign flows into Chinese assets. Performance of Chinese cyclical stocks versus defensives failed to decisively breakout in both the onshore and offshore equity markets. An underperformance in cyclical stocks relative to defensives has historically pointed to waning market sentiment towards the Chinese economy (Chart 2). Chart 1Rapid Appreciation In The RMB Buoyed A Recent Rebound In A-Shares Chart 2Cyclical Stocks Continued To Underperform Defensives The number of onshore stocks with prices rising versus falling remains low, even though there has been a slight improvement this year from Q4 2020. The narrow breath in the equity market implies that recent rebound in A-share stocks has been largely driven by a handful of companies (Chart 3). Such narrow breadth suggests that the rebound in Chinese stock prices will not sustain (Chart 4). Chart 3A Narrow-Based Market Rally in A-Shares Chart 4Narrowing Market Breadth Has Historically Led To Price Pullbacks A tightened monetary and credit environment has created obstacles for Chinese equities since early this year. Credit numbers released last week show that credit growth deceleration has gathered speed in May, raising the risk of policy overtightening, i.e. credit growth undershooting the government’s 2021 targets. We could see some moderation in the credit growth deceleration into 2H21. A delay in the rollout of local government (LG) bonds and LG special purpose bonds (SPBs) in the first five months of the year means the pace of LG bond issuance between June and October will escalate, which will help to stabilize credit growth. However, weak corporate bond net financing and contracting shadow banking will cap the upside in credit expansion. Chart 5The Economy Could Surprise The Market To The Downside In Q3 Additionally, if more LG bonds come onto the market in Q3, then we could see tighter interbank liquidity conditions and higher bond yields. This, in turn, would partially offset the positive effects on the economy and equity market from a slower pace in credit growth deceleration. For the next six months, we continue to hold an underweight position in Chinese onshore and investable stocks, in both absolute terms and within a global equity portfolio. Policy tightening has not reversed course and there is an escalating risk that economic data will surprise the market to the downside in Q3 (Chart 5). Qingyun Xu, CFA Associate Editor qingyunx@bcaresearch.com Macro Policy Conditions Are Still Unfavorable For Risk Assets A further deterioration in the credit impulse in May reflects Chinese authorities’ efforts to reduce local government leverage and shadow banking activities. Net corporate bond financing contracted for the first time since early 2018, driven by shrinking local government financing vehicle (LGFV) bonds (Chart 6). Meanwhile, the pace of contraction in shadow-bank loans climbed. At this rate of deceleration, credit growth will undershoot the government’s 2021 target, which is expected to be in line with this year’s nominal GDP growth. The pace in credit expansion on a year-over-year basis has dropped to its previous cycle’s trough (Chart 7). Moreover, the speed of the deceleration in credit growth has outpaced the 2017/18 tightening cycle. It has been seven months since Chinese credit growth peaked (October 2020), which is significantly less than the 13 months it took for credit to decline from top to bottom in 2017/18. Chart 6Contraction In Net Corporate Bond Financing And Shadow Banking Dragged Down Credit Growth In May Chart 7Credit Growth Has Decelerated To Its Trough Reached In 2017/18 Tightening Cycle Chart 8Most Of LG Bonds Issued In The First Five Months Are Refinancing Bonds So far this year, LG bond issuance is also behind schedule. About 63% of LG bonds issued in the first five months are refinancing bonds (Chart 8). The new LG bonds and LG SPBs issued to date account for only 21% and 16.5%, respectively, of their 2021 quotas. A delay in LG bond issuance in the first five months means that much more bonds will be on the market between June and October, which may help to stabilize credit growth in Q3. However, weak corporate bond financing and an acceleration in contracting shadow banking activities will cap the upside on broad credit. We do not expect a reversal in policy tightening. Instead, credit growth will likely hover near current levels for the rest of the year. In the past, Chinese policymakers eased when the global manufacturing backdrop faltered. Given that global growth is robust, Chinese policymakers will not feel any urgency to reverse policy setting and will likely use the strong external environment as an opportunity for domestic deleveraging. Chinese Exports Will Face Challenges In The Second Half Of The Year Chart 9A Broad-Based Moderation In China's Exports to DMs Export growth slowed in May with a broad-based moderation in the country’s exports to developed markets (DMs), albeit from a very elevated level (Chart 9). The easing in exports reflects an ongoing demand shift in the DMs away from goods to services as economic activity normalizes (Chart 10). China’s robust exports, which have been driven by strong and partly pandemic-induced global demand for goods, will likely gradually lose strength in the second half of the year. China’s weakening new export orders component in the May manufacturing PMI reflects this trend (Chart 11). Chart 10Global Consumption Recovery In Services Will Likely Outpace Goods Chart 11China's Softening New Export Orders Signal Further Export-Sector Weakness An appreciating RMB versus the US dollar is also a headwind for Chinese exports. The USD/CNY historically has led Chinese new export orders by around six months, with the exception of the pandemic-hit outlier in 2020 (Chart 12). The recent sharp RMB appreciation is starting to weight on Chinese exports. Moreover, BCA’s Geopolitical strategists do not expect that China will principally benefit from US President Biden’s $2.4 trillion infrastructure and green energy plan . US explicitly aims to diminish China’s role as a supplier of US goods and materials. The widening divergence between US’s trade deficit with China and the rest of world already shows evidence (Chart 13). Chart 12The RMB's Rapid Rise Creates Headwinds For Chinese Exports Chart 13China's Exports May Not Benefit From Biden's Infrastructure Plan Still No Inflation Pass-Through Chart 14Chinese Producers Are Unable To Pass Rising Input Costs On To Consumers Chinese surging producer prices overstate domestic inflationary pressures. Inflation in the Producer Price Index (PPI) surged by 9.0% year-over-year in May, jumping to its highest level since 2009. High PPI inflation reflects rising commodity prices and a low base effect. Meanwhile, inflationary pressures are much more muted for consumer goods and services. The gap between producer and consumer prices widened to the highest level since 1990, highlighting the absence of price inflation pass-through from producers to consumers (Chart 14). We expect soaring PPI inflation to be transitory; it will ease when low-base factors from last year and global supply constraints are removed later this year. CPI inflation will remain tame through the year. As such, Chinese authorities are unlikely to tighten monetary policy in response to high PPI readings. Instead, Beijing will continue to use regulatory measures to curb speculation in the commodity market and window-guide industries to readjust material inventories to help ease the pace of rising commodity prices. Historically, PPI inflation’s impact on consumer prices has been weak when prices on producer goods were pushed up by supply shocks rather than mounting domestic demand. The sharp uptick in the PPI during the 2017/18 cycle was mostly due to China’s supply-side reforms and a rapid consolidation in the upstream industries. Global supply constraints linked to the pandemic have also resulted in a sharp upturn in the Chinese PPI since mid-2020. Moreover, Chart 15 shows that the pass-through from PPI inflation to consumers is closely correlated to household income growth. The pass-through has weakened significantly since 2011 when household income growth subdued along with a declining Chinese working population (Chart 16). Chart 15Subdued Household Income Growth Since 2011 Has Suppressed CPI Inflation Chart 16Income Growth Decelerated After China's Working Population Peaked Chart 17Profits Diverged Between Upstream And Mid & Downstream Industries Lacking inflation pass-through from producers to consumers has led to a bifurcated profit recovery between upstream and mid & downstream industries. Since late last year, the share of upstream industries in total profits increased sharply at the expense of mid and downstream businesses (Chart 17). A deterioration in the profits of mid and downstream industries will weigh on the outlook for their capex, which in turn, will reduce the demand for upstream goods. Domestic Demand Remains China’s Weakest Link Investments and household demand remain the weakest links in China’s economy. Sluggish household consumption reflects a fragile post-pandemic recovery in manufacturing and services employment, and a rising propensity for precautionary savings (Chart 18). A PBoC survey shows that households’ preference for more saving deposits soared in 2020 (Chart 19). Although it has slightly diminished since late 2020, the reading is still much higher than its pre-pandemic level and will likely persist to year-end on the back of a subdued outlook for employment and income. Chart 18Weak Employment In Both Manufacturing And Service Industries Chart 19Propensity For Precautionary Savings Is Still Elevated Manufacturing investment continued its rebound in April, but the growth has not rallied to its pre-pandemic state and the recovery was more than offset by falling old-economy infrastructure and real estate investment growth (Chart 20). Although a pickup in LG SPB issuance in Q3 will provide some support to infrastructure expenditures, the effect on aggregate infrastructure investment probably will be muted. China’s Ministry of Finance has raised the requirements for approvals of new investment projects, which have decreased notably since early this year (Chart 21). Hence, growth in infrastructure investment may not significantly improve in 2H21 without a harmonized policy impetus for more bank loans and loosened regulations on local government spending. Chart 20Recovery In Manufacturing Investment Was More Than Offset By Falling Infrastructure And Real Estate Investment Growth Chart 21Falling New Projects Approval Real Estate Sector: Mounting Deleverage Pressure Property developers face challenges from heightened government scrutiny on bank loans and limits on the sector’s leverage ratio, along with curtailed off-balance sheet funding due to Asset Management Regulation (AMR) . Bank loans to real estate developers and household mortgages have tumbled to historical lows and will likely slow further in the next few months (Chart 22, top panel). The tightened financing policies have started to cool demand in the real estate market (Chart 22, bottom panel). Softer housing demand will start to drag down property developers’ capital spending and real estate construction activities (Chart 23). Chart 22Deteriorating Financing Starting To Cool The Property Market Chart 23Real Estate Investments And Construction Activities May Slow Further Table 1China Macro Data Summary Table 2China Financial Market Performance Summary Footnotes Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations
Highlights Geopolitical risk is trickling back into financial markets. China’s fiscal-and-credit impulse collapsed again. The Global Economic Policy Uncertainty Index is ticking back up after the sharp drop from 2020. All of our proprietary GeoRisk Indicators are elevated or rising. Geopolitical risk often rises during bull markets – the Geopolitical Risk Index can even spike without triggering a bear market or recession. Nevertheless a rise in geopolitical risk is positive for the US dollar, which happens to stand at a critical technical point. The macroeconomic backdrop for the dollar is becoming less bearish given China’s impending slowdown. President Biden’s trip to Europe and summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin will underscore a foreign policy of forming a democratic alliance to confront Russia and China, confirming the secular trend of rising geopolitical risk. Shift to a defensive tactical position. Feature Back in March 2017 we wrote a report, “Donald Trump Is Who We Thought He Was,” in which we reaffirmed our 2016 view that President Trump would succeed in steering the US in the direction of fiscal largesse and trade protectionism. Now it is time for us to do the same with President Biden. Our forecast for Biden rested on the same points: the US would pursue fiscal profligacy and mercantilist trade policy. The recognition of a consistent national policy despite extreme partisan divisions is a testament to the usefulness of macro analysis and the geopolitical method. Trump stole the Democrats’ thunder with his anti-austerity and anti-free trade message. Biden stole it back. It was the median voter in the Rust Belt who was calling the shots all along (after all, Biden would still have won the election without Arizona and Georgia). We did make some qualifications, of course. Biden would maintain a hawkish line on China and Russia but he would reject Trump’s aggressive foreign and trade policy when it came to US allies.1 Biden would restore President Obama’s policy on Iran and immigration but not Russia, where there would be no “diplomatic reset.” And Biden’s fiscal profligacy, unlike Trump’s, would come with tax hikes on corporations and the wealthy … even though they would fall far short of offsetting the new spending. This is what brings us to this week’s report: New developments are confirming this view of the Biden administration. Geopolitical Risk And Bull Markets Chart 1Global Geopolitical Risk And The Dollar In recent weeks Biden has adopted a hawkish policy on China, lowered tensions with Europe, and sought to restore President Obama’s policy of détente with Iran. The jury is still out on relations with Russia – Biden will meet with Putin on June 16 – but we do not expect a 2009-style “reset” that increases engagement. Still, it is too soon to declare a “Biden doctrine” of foreign policy because Biden has not yet faced a major foreign crisis. A major test is coming soon. Biden’s decision to double down on hawkish policy toward China will bring ramifications. His possible deal with Iran faces a range of enemies, including within Iran. His reduction in tensions with Russia is not settled yet. While the specific source and timing of his first major foreign policy crisis is impossible predict, structural tensions are rebuilding. An aggregate of our 13 market-based GeoRisk indicators suggests that global political risk is skyrocketing once again. A sharp spike in the indicator, which is happening now, usually correlates with a dollar rally (Chart 1). This indicator is mean-reverting since it measures the deviation of emerging market currencies, or developed market equity markets, from underlying macroeconomic fundamentals. The implication is positive for the dollar, although the correlation is not always positive. Looking at both the DXY’s level and its rate of change shows periods when the global risk indicator fell yet the dollar stayed strong – and vice versa. The big increase in the indicator over the past week stems mostly from Germany, South Korea, Brazil, and Australia, though all 13 of the indicators are now either elevated or rising, including the China/Taiwan indicators. Some of the increase is due to base effects. As global exports recover, currencies and equities that we monitor are staying weaker than one would expect. This causes the relevant BCA GeoRisk indicator to rise. Base effects from the weak economy in June 2020 will fall out in coming weeks. But the aggregate shows that all of the indicators are either high or rising and, on a country by country level, they are now in established uptrends even aside from base effects. Chart 2Global Policy Uncertainty Revives Meanwhile the global Economic Policy Uncertainty Index is recovering across the world after the drop in uncertainty following the COVID-19 crisis (Chart 2). Policy uncertainty is also linked to the dollar and this indicator shows that it is rising on a secular basis. The Geopolitical Risk Index, maintained by Matteo Iacoviello and a group of academics affiliated with the Policy Uncertainty Index, is also in a secular uptrend, although cyclically it has not recovered from the post-COVID drop-off. It is sensitive to traditional, war-linked geopolitical risk as reported in newspapers. By contrast our proprietary indicators are sensitive to market perceptions of any kind of risk, not just political, both domestic and international. A comparison of the Geopolitical Risk Index with the S&P 500 over the past century shows that a geopolitical crisis may occur at the beginning of a business cycle but it may not be linked with a recession or bear market. Risk can rise, even extravagantly, during economic expansions without causing major pullbacks. But a crisis event certainly can trigger a recession or bear market, particularly if it is tied to the global oil supply, as in the early 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s (Chart 3). Chart 3Secular Rise In Geopolitical Risk Soon To Reassert Itself While geopolitical risk is normally positive for the dollar, the macroeconomic backdrop is negative. The dollar’s attempt to recover earlier this year faltered. This underlying cyclical bearish dollar trend is due to global economic recovery – which will continue – and extravagant American monetary expansion and budget deficits. This is why we have preferred gold – it is a hedge against both geopolitical risk and inflation expectations. Tactically this year we have refrained from betting against the dollar except when building up some safe-haven positions like Japanese yen. Over the medium and long term we expect geopolitical risk to put a floor under the greenback. The bottom line is that the US dollar is at a critical technical crossroads where it could break out or break down. Macro factors suggest a breakdown but the recovery of global policy uncertainty and geopolitical risk suggests the opposite. We remain neutral. A final quantitative indicator of the recovery of geopolitical risk is the performance of global aerospace and defense stocks (Chart 4). Defense shares are rising in absolute and relative terms. Chart 4Another Sign Of Geopolitical Risk: Defense Stocks Outperform As Virus Ebbs And Military Spending Surges Can The WWII Peace Be Prolonged? Qualitative assessments of geopolitical risk are necessary to explain why risk is on a secular upswing – why drops in the quantitative indicators are temporary and the troughs keep getting higher. Great nations are returning to aggressive competition after a period of relative peace and prosperity. Over the past two decades Russia and China took advantage of America’s preoccupations with the Middle East, the financial crisis, and domestic partisanship in order to build up their global influence. The result is a world in which authority is contested. The current crisis is not merely about the end of the post-Cold War international order. It is much scarier than that. It is about the decay of the post-WWII international order and the return of the centuries-long struggle for global supremacy among Great Powers. The US and European political establishments fear the collapse of the WWII settlement in the face of eroding legitimacy at home and rising challenges from abroad. The 1945 peace settlement gave rise to both a Cold War and a diplomatic system, including the United Nations Security Council, for resolving differences among the great powers. It also gave rise to European integration and various institutions of American “liberal hegemony.” It is this system of managing great power struggle, and not the post-Cold War system of American domination, that lies in danger of unraveling. This is evident from the following points: American preeminence only lasted fifteen years, or at best until the 2008 Georgia war and global financial crisis. The US has been an incoherent wild card for at least 13 years now, almost as long as it was said to be the global empire. Russian antagonism with the West never really ended. In retrospect the 1990s were a hiatus rather than a conclusion of this conflict. China’s geopolitical rise has thawed the frozen conflicts in Asia from the 1940s-50s – i.e. the Chinese civil war, the Hong Kong and Taiwan Strait predicaments, the Korean conflict, Japanese pacifism, and regional battles for political influence and territory. Europe’s inward focus and difficulty projecting power have been a constant, as has its tendency to act as a constraint on America. Only now is Europe getting closer to full independence (which helped trigger Brexit). Geopolitical pressures will remain historically elevated for the foreseeable future because the underlying problem is whether great power struggle can be contained and major wars can be prevented. Specifically the question is whether the US can accommodate China’s rise – and whether China can continue to channel its domestic ambitions into productive uses (i.e. not attempts to create a Greater Chinese and then East Asian empire). The Great Recession killed off the “East Asia miracle” phase of China’s growth. Potential GDP is declining, which undermines social stability and threatens the Communist Party’s legitimacy. The renminbi is on a downtrend that began with the Xi Jinping era. The sharp rally during the COVID crisis is over, as both domestic and international pressures are rising again (Chart 5). Chart 5Biden Administration Review Of China Policy: More China Bashing While the data for China’s domestic labor protests is limited in extent, we can use it as a proxy for domestic instability in lieu of official statistics that were tellingly discontinued back in 2005. The slowdown in credit growth and the cyclical sectors of the economy suggest that domestic political risk is underrated in the lead up to the 2022 leadership rotation (Chart 6). Chart 6China's Domestic Political Risk Will Rise Chart 7Steer Clear Of Taiwan Strait The increasing focus on China’s access to key industrial and technological inputs, the tensions over the Taiwan Strait, and the formation of a Russo-Chinese bloc that is excluded from the West all suggest that the risk to global stability is grave and historic. It is reminiscent of the global power struggles of the seventeenth through early twentieth centuries. The outperformance of Taiwanese equities from 2019-20 reflects strong global demand for advanced semiconductors but the global response to this geopolitical bottleneck is to boost production at home and replace Taiwan. Therefore Taiwan’s comparative advantage will erode even as geopolitical risk rises (Chart 7). The drop in geopolitical tensions during COVID-19 is over, as highlighted above. With the US, EU, and other countries launching probes into whether the virus emerged from a laboratory leak in China – contrary to what their publics were told last year – it is likely that a period of national recriminations has begun. There is a substantial risk of nationalism, xenophobia, and jingoism emerging along with new sources of instability. An Alliance Of Democracies The Biden administration’s attempt to restore liberal hegemony across the world requires a period of alliance refurbishment with the Europeans. That is the purpose of his current trip to the UK, Belgium, and Switzerland. But diplomacy only goes so far. The structural factor that has changed is the willingness of the West to utilize government in the economic sphere, i.e. fiscal proactivity. Infrastructure spending and industrial policy, at the service of national security as well as demand-side stimulus, are the order of the day. This revolution in economic policy – a return to Big Government in the West – poses a threat to the authoritarian powers, which have benefited in recent decades by using central strategic planning to take advantage of the West’s democratic and laissez-faire governance. If the West restores a degree of central government – and central coordination via NATO and other institutions – then Beijing and Moscow will face greater pressure on their economies and fewer strategic options. About 16 American allies fall short of the 2% of GDP target for annual defense spending – ranging from Italy to Canada to Germany to Japan. However, recent trends show that defense spending did indeed increase during the Trump administration (Chart 8). Chart 8NATO Boosts Defense Spending The European Union as a whole has added $50 billion to the annual total over the past five years. A discernible rise in defense spending is taking place even in Germany (Chart 9). The same point could be made for Japan, which is significantly boosting defense spending (as a share of output) after decades of saying it would do so without following through. A major reason for the American political establishment’s rejection of President Trump was the risk he posed to the trans-Atlantic alliance. A decline in NATO and US-EU ties would dramatically undermine European security and ultimately American security. Hence Biden is adopting the Trump administration’s hawkish approach to trade with China but winding down the trade war with Europe (Chart 10). Chart 9Europe Spending More On Guns Chart 10US Ends Trade War With Europe? A multilateral deal aimed at setting a floor in global corporate taxes rates is intended to prevent the US and Europe from undercutting each other – and to ensure governments have sufficient funding to maintain social spending and reduce income inequality (Chart 11). Inequality is seen as having vitiated sociopolitical stability and trust in government in the democracies. Chart 11‘Global’ Corporate Tax Deal Shows Return Of Big Government, Attempt To Reduce Inequality In The West Risks To Biden’s Diplomacy It is possible that Biden’s attempt to restore US alliances will go nowhere over the course of his four-year term in office. The Europeans may well remain risk averse despite their initial signals of willingness to work with Biden to tackle China’s and Russia’s challenges to the western system. The Germans flatly rejected both Biden and Trump on the Nord Stream II natural gas pipeline linkage with Russia, which is virtually complete and which strengthens the foundation of Russo-German engagement (more on this below). The US’s lack of international reliability – given the potential of another partisan reversal in four years – makes it very hard for countries to make any sacrifices on behalf of US initiatives. The US’s profound domestic divisions have only slightly abated since the crises of 2020 and could easily flare up again. A major outbreak of domestic instability could distract Biden from the foreign policy game.2 However, American incapacity is a risk, not our base case, over the coming years. We expect the US economic stimulus to stabilize the country enough that the internal political crisis will be contained and the US will continue to play a global role. The “Civil War Lite” has mostly concluded, excepting one or two aftershocks, and the US is entering into a “Reconstruction Lite” era. The implication is negative for China and Russia, as they will now have to confront an America that, if not wholly unified, is at least recovering. Congress’s impending passage of the Innovation and Competition Act – notably through regular legislative order and bipartisan compromise – is case in point. The Senate has already passed this approximately $250 billion smorgasbord of industrial policy, supply chain resilience, and alliance refurbishment. It will allot around $50 billion to the domestic semiconductor industry almost immediately as well as $17 billion to DARPA, $81 billion for federal research and development through the National Science Foundation, which includes $29 billion for education in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics, and other initiatives (Table 1). Table 1Peak Polarization: US Congress Passes Bipartisan ‘Innovation And Competition Act’ To Counter China With the combination of foreign competition, the political establishment’s need to distract from domestic divisions, and the benefit of debt monetization courtesy of the Federal Reserve, the US is likely to achieve some notable successes in pushing back against China and Russia. On the diplomatic front, the US will meet with some success because the European and Asian allies do not wish to see the US embrace nationalism and isolationism. They have their own interests in deterring Russia and China. Lack Of Engagement With Russia Russian leadership has dealt with the country’s structural weaknesses by adopting aggressive foreign policy. At some point either the weaknesses or the foreign policy will create a crisis that will undermine the current regime – after all, Russia has greatly lagged the West in economic development and quality of life (Chart 12). But President Putin has been successful at improving the country’s wealth and status from its miserably low base in the 1990s and this has preserved sociopolitical stability so far. Chart 12Russia's Domestic Political Risk It is debatable whether US policy toward Russia ever really changed under President Trump, but there has certainly not been a change in strategy from Russia. Thus investors should expect US-Russia antagonism to continue after Biden’s summit with Putin even if there is an ostensible improvement. The fundamental purpose of Putin’s strategy has been to salvage the Russian empire after the Soviet collapse, ensure that all world powers recognize Russia’s veto power over major global policies and initiatives, and establish a strong strategic position for the coming decades as Russia’s demographic decline takes its toll. A key component of the strategy has been to increase economic self-sufficiency and reduce exposure to US sanctions. Since the invasion of Ukraine in 2014, Putin has rapidly increased Russia’s foreign exchange reserves so as to buffer against shocks (Chart 13). Chart 13Russia Fortified Against US Sanctions Putin has also reduced Russia’s reliance on the US dollar to about 22% (Chart 14), primarily by substituting the euro and gold. Russia will not be willing or able to purge US dollars from its system entirely but it has been able to limit America’s ability to hurt Russia by constricting access to dollars and the dollar-based global financial architecture. Russian Finance Minister Anton Siluanov highlighted this process ahead of the Biden-Putin summit by declaring that the National Wealth Fund will divest of its remaining $40 billion of its US dollar holdings. Chart 14Russia Diversifies From USD In general this year, Russia is highlighting its various advantages: its resilience against US sanctions, its ability to re-invade Ukraine, its ability to escalate its military presence in Belarus and the Black Sea, and its ability to conduct or condone cyberattacks on vital American food and fuel supplies (Chart 15). Meanwhile the US is suffering from deep political divisions at home and strategic incoherence abroad and these are only starting to be mended by domestic economic stimulus and alliance refurbishment. Chart 15Cyber Security Stocks Recover Europe’s risk-aversion when it comes to strategic confrontation with Russia, and the lack of stability in US-Russia relations, means that investors should not chase Russian currency or financial assets amid the cyclical commodity rally. Investors should also expect risk premiums to remain high in developing European economies relative to their developed counterparts. This is true despite the fact that developed market Europe’s outperformance relative to emerging Europe recently peaked and rolled over. From a technical perspective this outperformance looks to subside but geopolitical tensions can easily escalate in the near term, particularly in advance of the Russian and German elections in September (Chart 16). Chart 16Developed Markets In Europe Will Outperform Emerging Europe Unless Russian Geopolitical Risk Abates Developed Europe trades in line with EUR-RUB and these pair trades all correspond closely to geopolitical tensions with Russia (Chart 17). A notable exception is the UK, whose stock market looks attractive relative to eastern Europe and is much more secure from any geopolitical crisis in this region (Chart 17, bottom panel). The pound is particularly attractive against the Czech koruna, as Russo-Czech tensions have heated up in advance of October’s legislative election there (Chart 18). Chart 17Long UK Versus Eastern Europe Chart 18Long GBP Versus CZK Meanwhile Russia and China have grown closer together out of strategic necessity. Germany’s Election And Stance Toward Russia Germany’s position on Russia is now critical. The decision to complete the Nord Stream II pipeline against American wishes either means that the Biden administration can be safely ignored – since it prizes multilateralism and alliances above all things and is therefore toothless when opposed – or it means that German will aim to compensate the Americans in some other area of strategic concern. Washington is clearly attempting to rally the Germans to its side with regard to putting pressure on China over its trade practices and human rights. This could be the avenue for the US and Germany to tighten their bond despite the new milestone in German-Russia relations. The US may call on Germany to stand up for eastern Europe against Russian aggression but on that front Berlin will continue to disappoint. It has no desire to be drawn into a new Cold War given that the last one resulted in the partition of Germany. The implication is negative for China on one hand and eastern Europe on the other. Germany’s federal election on September 26 will be important because it will determine who will succeed Chancellor Angela Merkel, both in Germany and on the European and global stage. The ruling Christian Democratic Union (CDU) is hoping to ride Merkel’s coattails to another term in charge of the government. But they are likely to rule alongside the Greens, who have surged in opinion polls in recent years. The state election in Saxony-Anhalt over the weekend saw the CDU win 37% of the popular vote, better than any recent result, while Germany’s second major party, the Social Democrats, continued their decline (Table 2). The far-right Alternative for Germany won 21% of the vote, a downshift from 2016, while the Greens won 6% of the vote, a slight improvement from 2016. All parties underperformed opinion polling except the CDU (Chart 19). Table 2Saxony-Anhalt Election Results Chart 19Germany: Conservatives Outperform In Final State Election Before Federal Vote, But Face Challenges Chart 20Germany: Greens Will Outperform in 2021 Vote The implication is still not excellent for the CDU. Saxony-Anhalt is a middling German state, a CDU stronghold, and a state with a popular CDU leader. So it is not representative of the national campaign ahead of September. The latest nationwide opinion polling puts the CDU at around 25% support. They are neck-and-neck with the Greens. The country’s left- and right-leaning ideological blocs are also evenly balanced in opinion polls (Chart 20). A potential concern for the CDU is that the Free Democratic Party is ticking up in national polls, which gives them the potential to steal conservative votes. Betting markets are manifestly underrating the chance that Annalena Baerbock and the Greens take over the chancellorship (Charts 21A and 21B). We still give a subjective 35% chance that the Greens will lead the next German government without the CDU, a 30% that the Greens will lead with the CDU, and a 25% chance that the CDU retains power but forms a coalition with the Greens. A coalition government would moderate the Greens’ ambitious agenda of raising taxes on carbon emissions, wealth, the financial sector, and Big Tech. The CDU has already shifted in a pro-environmental, fiscally proactive direction. Chart 21AGerman Greens Will Recover Chart 21BGerman Greens Still Underrated No matter what the German election will support fiscal spending and European solidarity, which is positive for the euro and regional equities over the next 12 to 24 months. However, the Greens would pursue a more confrontational stance toward Russia, a petro-state whose special relations with the German establishment have impeded the transition to carbon neutrality. Latin America’s Troubles A final aspect of Biden’s agenda deserves some attention: immigration and the Mexican border. Obviously this one of the areas where Biden starkly differs from Trump, unlike on Europe and China, as mentioned above. Vice President Kamala Harris recently came back from a trip to Guatemala and Mexico that received negative media attention. Harris has been put in charge of managing the border crisis, the surge in immigrant arrivals over 2020-21, both to give her some foreign policy experience and to manage the public outcry. Despite telling immigrants explicitly “Do not come,” Harris has no power to deter the influx at a time when the US economy is fired up on historic economic stimulus and the Democratic Party has cut back on all manner of border and immigration enforcement. From a macro perspective the real story is the collapse of political and geopolitical risk in Mexico. From 2016-20 Mexico faced a protectionist onslaught from the Trump administration and then a left-wing supermajority in Congress. But these structural risks have dissipated with the USMCA trade deal and the inability of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador to follow through with anti-market reforms, as we highlighted in reports in October and April. The midterm election deprived the ruling MORENA party of its single-party majority in the Chamber of Deputies, the lower house of the legislature (Chart 22). AMLO is now politically constrained – he will not be able to revive state control over the energy and power sectors. Chart 22Mexican Midterm Election Constrained Left-Wing Populism, Political Risk Chart 23Buy Mexico (And Canada) On US Stimulus American monetary and fiscal stimulus, and the supply-chain shift away from China, also provide tailwinds for Mexico. In short, the Mexican election adds the final piece to one of our key themes stemming from the Biden administration, US populism, and US-China tensions: favor Mexico and Canada (Chart 23). A further implication is that Mexico should outperform Brazil in the equity space. Brazil is closely linked to China’s credit cycle and metals prices, which are slated to turn down as a result of Chinese policy tightening. Mexico is linked to the US economy and oil prices (Chart 24). While our trade stopped out at -5% last week we still favor the underlying view. Brazilian political risk and unsustainable debt dynamics will continue to weigh on the currency and equities until political change is cemented in the 2022 election and the new government is then forced by financial market riots into undertaking structural reforms. Chart 24Brazil's Troubles Not Truly Over - Mexico Will Outperform Elsewhere in Latin America, the rise of a militant left-wing populist to the presidency in a contested election in Peru, and the ongoing social unrest in Colombia and Chile, are less significant than the abrupt slowdown in China’s credit growth (Charts 25A and 25B). According to our COVID-19 Social Stability Index, investors should favor Mexico. Turkey, the Philippines, South Africa, Colombia, and Brazil are the most likely to see substantial social instability according to this ranking system (Table 3). Chart 25AMexico To Outperform Latin America Chart 25BChina’s Slowdown Will Hit South America Table 3Post-COVID Emerging Market Social Unrest Only Just Beginning Investment Takeaways Close long emerging markets relative to developed markets for a loss of 6.8% – this is a strategic trade that we will revisit but it faces challenges in the near term due to China’s slowdown (Chart 26). Go long Mexican equities relative to emerging markets on a strategic time frame. Our long Mexico / short Brazil trade hit the stop loss at 5% but the technical profile and investment thesis are still sound over the short and medium term. Chart 26China Slowdown, Geopolitical Risk Will Weigh On Emerging Markets Chart 27Relative Uncertainty And Safe Havens China’s sharp fiscal-and-credit slowdown suggests that investors should reduce risk exposure, take a defensive tactical positioning, and wait for China’s policy tightening to be priced before buying risky assets. Our geopolitical method suggests the dollar will rise, while macro fundamentals are becoming less dollar-bearish due to China. We are neutral for now and will reassess for our third quarter forecast later this month. If US policy uncertainty falls relative to global uncertainty then the EUR-USD will also fall and safe-haven assets like Swiss bonds will gain a bid (Chart 27). Gold is an excellent haven amid medium-term geopolitical and inflation risks but we recommend closing our long silver trade for a gain of 4.5%. Disfavor emerging Europe relative to developed Europe, where heavy discounts can persist due to geopolitical risk premiums. We will reassess after the Russian Duma election in September. Go long GBP-CZK. Close the Euro “laggards” trade. Go long an equal-weighted basket of euros and US dollars relative to the Chinese renminbi. Short the TWD-USD on a strategic basis. Prefer South Korea to Taiwan – while the semiconductor splurge favors Taiwan, investors should diversify away from the island that lies at the epicenter of global geopolitical risk. Close long defense relative to cyber stocks for a gain of 9.8%. This was a geopolitical “back to work” trade but the cyber rebound is now significant enough to warrant closing this trade. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Trump’s policy toward Russia is an excellent example of geopolitical constraints. Despite any personal preferences in favor of closer ties with Russia, Trump and his administration ultimately reaffirmed Article 5 of NATO, authorized the sale of lethal weapons to Ukraine, and deployed US troops to Poland and the Czech Republic. 2 As just one example, given the controversial and contested US election of 2020, it is possible that a major terrorist attack could occur. Neither wing of America’s ideological fringes has a monopoly on fanaticism and violence. Meanwhile foreign powers stand to benefit from US civil strife. A truly disruptive sequence of events in the US in the coming years could lead to greater political instability in the US and a period in which global powers would be able to do what they want without having to deal with Biden’s attempt to regroup with Europe and restore some semblance of a global police force. The US would fall behind in foreign affairs, leaving power vacuums in various regions that would see new sources of political and geopolitical risk crop up. Then the US would struggle to catch up, with another set of destabilizing consequences.
Highlights In the near term, the RMB against the US dollar has ceased to be a one-way bet. Market sentiment will re-focus on economic fundamentals, which are less supportive of further RMB appreciation. In the longer term, the RMB still has some upside potential, but the pace of its growth should be much slower than in the past 12 months. The sharp rise in the trade-weighted RMB index is starting to threaten China’s export sector and has exacerbated the tightening of domestic monetary conditions. Barring a monetary policy reset by Chinese authorities, even a small increase in the broad-RMB index would heighten the risk of a contraction in corporate profit growth in the coming 12 months. We remain risk adverse to Chinese stocks for the next 6 months. Feature Chart 1The RMB Back On A Fast Ascending Path After a brief pause in March, China’s currency versus the US dollar extended its steep upward trend began in mid-2020 (Chart 1). Chinese policymakers recently ramped up their strong-worded statements warning against speculating on the RMB. Regulators have also taken steps to stem the rise. Questions we have recently been getting from our clients about the RMB can be summarized as follows: After a 10% appreciation since its trough a year ago, does the RMB have more upside in 2021 and beyond? If the RMB continues to appreciate, what would be the impact on China’s economy and corporate sector? What can the PBoC do to slow the pace of the currency’s appreciation? One could argue that the US dollar will continue to weaken, but we see substantial headwinds to the RMB within the year. A weaker US dollar would support global stock prices outside of the US and foreign inflows have driven the recent rally in China’s onshore stocks. However, we think China’s domestic macro policy and economic conditions pose more downside risks on a cyclical basis. How Far Can The RMB Go? A continued upswing in the CNY relative to the USD can no longer be taken for granted. In the coming months, there is a strengthening case for the RMB to fall against the greenback as factors supporting a strong RMB in the past year start to abate. Economic fundamentals will no longer prop up the RMB’s rise going into 2H21. China’s growth momentum is softening due to significant tightening in the monetary environment in the second half of last year and a rapid deceleration in credit growth this year (Chart 2). Meanwhile, the massive rollouts of COVID-19 vaccines in North America and Europe have successfully reduced new infections and hospitalization rates, allowing these countries to reopen their economies. The economic growth gaps between China and the developed markets (DMs) will narrow more significantly in the coming months (Chart 3). Chart 2Chinese Economic Fundamentals Will Start To Weaken Chart 3China's Growth Gap Relative To DMs Will Narrow Chart 4Global Consumption Recovery In Services Will Likely Outpace Goods China’s large current account surplus will likely start narrowing. It has been driven by strong global demand for goods, which is unlikely to be sustained as the pent-up demand for services in DMs will outpace the consumption for goods (Chart 4). Emerging countries (EMs), many of which are China’s export competitors, lag far behind DMs and China on inoculation rates and some have resurging COVID cases (Chart 5). However, EMs will likely benefit from meaningful expansions in global vaccine production in the second half of the year.1 A catchup in vaccinations in these countries will reduce China’s export-sector advantage, reversing the RMB’s gains over other Asian currencies in the past month. Chart 5China's Asian Neighbors Have Been Hit By Resurging COVID Cases The future trend of the USD also matters to the USD/CNY exchange rate. The recent strength of the CNY vis-à-vis the dollar was the mirror image of USD weakness, which has been due to low real rates in the US and recovering economic momentum outside the US (Chart 6). However, the broad dollar index is sitting at a critical technical level that could either breakout or breakdown (Chart 7). When the Fed announces the slowing of asset purchases, which our BCA US Bond Strategy expects before the end of 2021, it could lead to higher US real yields and reverse the trend of hot money flows into China. Chart 6The Sharp Rise In The RMB In The Past Two Months Has Been Dollar-Driven Chart 7The Dollar Index: Breakout or Breakdown? Furthermore, the financial market does not seem to have priced in unstable US-China relations, which could undermine global risk appetite (Chart 8). Recent actions by US President Joe Biden – from expanding the investment ban on 59 blacklisted Chinese tech companies to calling for the US intelligence community to investigate the origins of COVID-19 – point to risks for escalating tensions between the two nations. Longer term, the RMB is at about one standard deviation below its fair value, which suggests that it still has more upside potential (Chart 9). Based on our BCA’s Foreign Exchange Strategist’s real effective exchange rate (REER) model, the RMB’s fair value mostly climbed in the past three decades, driven by higher productivity in China relative to its trading partners. However, part of the RMB’s appreciation since mid-2020 has been a catch up to its pre-trade war value and its valuation gap has rapidly narrowed. From the current valuation levels, the pace of RMB appreciation should be much slower going forward. Chart 8Geopolitical Surprises Could Spook The Market Chart 9Valuation Gap Has Rapidly Narrowed We also expect China’s real interest rates relative to the US to dwindle in the next three to five years. Demographic headwinds in China herald lower real rates while the Fed is primed to start rate liftoffs within the next two years. Bottom Line: The RMB still has some upside potential in the long run, but the pace of its appreciation should be much slower than in the past 12 months. In the near term, odds are high that economic fundamentals will not boost the RMB any further. How Does A Stronger RMB Affect China’s Economy? Historically, a stronger RMB relative to the dollar has not had a significant impact on China’s economy. However, if the CNY appreciates considerably versus the greenback so that it pushes up the trade-weighted RMB index, then China’s corporate profits will be negatively affected (Chart 10). Chart 10Strengthening Broad-RMB Index Has Historically Led To Weaker Corporate Profit Growth... Chart 11...And Could Significantly Raise Prob Of A Earnings Contraction In 12 Months Our earnings growth recession probability model confirms our view. If all else is equal, a 3% rise in the trade-weighted RMB index from its current level would more than double the probability of a contraction in earnings growth in the coming 12 months (Chart 11, Scenario 1). On the other hand, all else will not be equal if the broad RMB index goes up by 3%. A quick increase in the RMB’s value against the currencies of its trading partners will impede China’s export growth and tighten domestic monetary conditions. Chart 12Moving Into Restrictive Territory For Chinese Exports Chart 12 shows the impact on export growth from the speed of the RMB’s appreciation; we calculate the rise in an export-weighted RMB index relative to its highs and lows in the past few years. The metric implies that the acceleration in the RMB’s value has reached levels that should be restrictive for exports. The nominal export-weighted RMB index has been significantly above the median value since 2015 and it is approaching the peak reached in that year. Clearly, the strong RMB is linked to a recent weakness in the PMI surveys on export orders. A 3% increase in the trade-weighted RMB from the current level, coupled with a drop in export growth and further deceleration in credit impulse would prop up the earnings contraction probability to more than 50% (Scenario 2 in Chart 11 above). Bottom Line: Our metrics suggest that the RMB’s recent sharp rise is starting to threaten the export sector. An additional 3% appreciation in the broad RMB index would cause a meaningful increase in the probability of a corporate earnings growth contraction in the coming 12 months. What Can The PBoC Do To Halt The RMB Rally? We break this question into two parts: the willingness and the capability of the PBoC to intervene in the currency market. On the first aspect, the PBoC in recent years has largely refrained from draconian intervention measures in the currency market. Allowing a more market-based currency exchange rate regime is a crucial part of China’s RMB internationalization process. The PBoC seems to be mostly sticking to this long-term goal. Chart 13New FX Regime Began In 2015 Has Significantly Lowered USD Weight In The Broad-RMB Index... Importantly, the new exchange rate regime that the PBoC switched to at end-2015 has greatly weakened the link between the USD and the broad RMB trend (Chart 13). Since then China has continuously cut the weighting of the USD in the CFETS currency index basket, which has reduced the impact of dollar moves on the index. Therefore, the PBoC has mostly ignored short-term volatilities in the CNY/USD exchange rate. The central bank tends to intervene only when swings in the CNY/USD exchange rate are large enough and/or the market forms a unilateral view on the Chinese currency to drive sustained movements in the broader RMB index. For example, the RMB value rose at a much faster rate against the USD compared with its other trading partners in the second half of 2020. However, this year, the pace of growth in the broad RMB index has caught up with that of the CNY/USD appreciation. Moreover, even when the RMB depreciated against the USD in March, the CFETS index basket kept rising and is now breaching its previous peak in April 2018 (Chart 14). As discussed in the previous section, a sharp jump in the trade-weighted RMB would be more detrimental to China’s corporate profits than an increase in the CNY/USD. Chart 14...But The Massive Appreciation In The CNY/USD Of Late Has Pushed The RMB Index To A Three-Year High Chart 15The PBoC Has Been Trying To Guide Market Expectations Lower On The RMB On the second aspect, the PBoC is unlikely to alter its monetary policy trajectory to tame the RMB’s appreciation. A looser monetary environment would encourage more asset price bubbles domestically and jeopardize policymakers’ ongoing progress in financial and property-market de-risking. If the CFETS strengthens further, Chinese authorities will probably use tools such as managing market expectations and various capital controls to mop up excess FX liquidity generated from capital inflows. In the near term, the PBoC may set a weaker fixing rate against the dollar to dampen market expectations for more RMB growth (Chart 15). An increase in the FX deposit reserve requirement ratio (RRR) rate, announced by the PBoC last week, is another example of the central bank trying to prevent a one-sided expectation by market participants. However, the previous three FX deposit RRR hikes –all taken place more than a decade ago—did little to alter the path of the CNY exchange rate; the pace of USD/CNY depreciation actually accelerated following the May 2007 RRR hike. The two-percentage point bump in the FX deposit RRR rate will drain China’s domestic FX liquidity by about US$20 billion. Its effect on domestic FX liquidity and FX loan rates is rather limited – FX inflows to Chinese financial institutions since 2H20 were more than US$20 billion a month –more than offsetting the tightening from a RRR rate hike. The PBoC can further loosen outward capital controls to release some pressure on the RMB’s increase. In a report from November last year we wrote that Chinese policymakers attempted to slow the pace of appreciation in the RMB through a build-up in strategic FX assets by commercial banks and other financial institutions . Since August last year, China has relaxed outbound investment regulations and increased quotas to help channel domestic money into offshore financial markets. China’s commercial banks significantly ramped up their FX assets last year (Chart 16). In Q1 this year, commercial banks enriched their FX asset holdings by US$518.5 billion, a record high in the past five years. Bottom Line: The PBoC is willing to allow more volatility in the USD/CNY exchange rate, but a sharp jump in the RMB’s value against a basket of other currencies would warrant further policy actions. Chart 16Chinese Banks Ramped Up FX Asset Holdings Chart 17Chinese Onshore Stocks Propped Up By Foreign Investors Investment Conclusions A tightened monetary and credit environment has created headwinds for Chinese equities since early this year. However, the domestic market appears to have found support at a key technical level of late (Chart 17). The recent rebound in China’s onshore stocks on the back of a sharp CNY appreciation and accelerated foreign capital inflows, in our view, are unsustainable on a cyclical basis. Despite buoyant global economic growth, investors should consider deteriorating cyclical conditions in China when judging the appropriate allocation for Chinese equities. While policy tightening has brought multiples closer to earth than last year, the upside in Chinese stock prices will be capped by subsiding stimulus and slower profit growth ahead. As such, a decisive breakout to the upside in Chinese stock prices will require major reflationary catalysts, and it is the reason we are still risk adverse on Chinese equities (Chart 18). Meanwhile, we continue to favor onshore consumer discretionary stocks relative to the broad A-share market. A strong RMB can be a booster to domestic discretionary spending. We initiated this trade in May last year and it has largely outperformed China’s onshore broad market (Chart 19). We will close the trade when the CNY loses its strength and Chinese domestic demand starts to falter. Chart 18Cyclical Performance In Chinese Stocks Is Still Driven By Economic Fundamentals Chart 19Keep A Long CD Position, But On A Short Leash Jing Sima China Strategist jings@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1The UN estimates that as many as 15 billion vaccine doses could be produced by the second half of 2021, enough to inoculate most of the world’s population. Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations
The Federal Reserve’s May Beige Book, released on Wednesday, noted that US economic activity accelerated in the early April to late May period. The reversal of some COVID-19 restrictions was especially beneficial for consumer spending on leisure and…
Highlights The Seventh National Population Census highlights the seriousness of China’s demographic deterioration; apart from a shrinking working-age population, the nation’s fertility and birth rates have dropped meaningfully. China’s urbanization rate will likely slow in the second half of this decade. The country’s urban population growth is only slightly positive, while the rural population is declining and aging. Demand for housing will experience a structural downshift, particularly in less developed regions. Competition for labor will become fiercer among regions and sectors, and wage growth will continue to accelerate. However, the manufacturing sector will remain competitive regardless of wage inflation, thanks to the rising quality of China’s labor force and innovation. Interest rates will structurally shift to a lower range, providing some tailwind to Chinese equities and government bonds. Feature The Seventh Population Census, conducted by the National Bureau of Statistics every 10 years, reinforced the magnitude of China’s demographic challenge. The nation’s population is not only aging but is set to start shrinking due to extremely low birth and fertility rates. The main implication is that China’s urbanization rate will slow and property market will likely encounter a structural downshift, tied to declining demand from both its working-age (age 15 to 64) and total population. Demand for housing will increasingly concentrate in top-tier cities because these metropolitan areas have more advantages attracting labor. Secondly, manufacturing will likely maintain its share of GDP, despite China’s push for consumption and growth in the service sector. Importantly, interest rates will continue to shift downward along with a decelerating potential growth; waning interest rates will create a tailwind to China’s capital market in the long term. Highlights From The Census The Census showed three meaningful shifts in China’s demographics in the past decade: 1. China is getting old before getting rich. China is experiencing a worse demographic transition than Japan in the early 1990s, with a lower level of per capita wealth than Japan attained when its working-age population peaked (Chart 1). Over the past ten years China’s population has only expanded by 5.4%, the lowest rate since the first census in 1953. Moreover, the country’s oldest cohort rose from 8.9% in 2010 to 13.5% and the working-age population is falling more quickly than in Japan. China’s working-age population peaked in 2010 and then fell by 6.79 percentage points in the next 10 years. In contrast, Japan’s working-age population peaked in 1992 and fell by 2.18 percentage points in the subsequent decade (Chart 1, top panel). 2. China’s total population is set to start declining in five years. Some demographers project that China’s total population will peak in 2027,1 but a high-level Chinese official recently predicted that the country’s population will start to trend down as early as in 2025.2 The relaxation of the one-child policy in 2015 helped to lift the birthrate (births per 1,000 people) briefly in 2016, before falling sharply again in 2017. The population’s natural growth rate, calculated as birthrate minus deathrate, is rapidly approaching zero (Chart 2). Chart 1China's Working Population Falling Faster Than Japan's In 1990s Chart 2China's Population Growth Will Turn Negative In Mid-2020s The birthrate is the main determinant of the population’s natural growth rate given that China’s deathrate has been steady for decades. If the birthrate continues to fall at the current rate, then China will undoubtedly reach a population turning point and will join nations such as Japan, Germany and South Korea, which have negative population growth. 3. A low fertility trap. Chart 3China's Alarmingly Low Fertility Rate Is Set To Decline Even Further... China’s extremely low fertility rate3 is a major contributor to its falling birthrate. The current 1.3 reading is less than in many developed countries, such as Japan with 1.4 and the US with 1.6, and it is far below the fertility rate of 2.1 needed to stabilize a population, according to the United Nations (Chart 3). China’s fertility rate is set to dive even further in the coming years due to structural factors such as a dwindling number of childbearing-age women linked to the one-child policy implemented in the 1980s (Chart 4). China’s high female labor participation rate and low propensity among young people to get married, and the high cost of raising children in urban areas, all are long-standing socio-economic issues hindering the Chinese from having more babies (Chart 5). Chart 4…Due To Fewer Childbearing-Age Women And… Chart 5...Structural Issues That Curb Chinese Propensity To Produce Babies Bottom Line: These structural trends will take decades to reverse. China faces a dramatic plunge in its population in the very near future if the authorities do not enact significant and immediate policy changes. Urbanization Pace Will Slow The Census indicates that rapid urbanization continued through 2020, with the rate hitting 64% of the population, up 14 percentage points from 2010. However, the headline number in the urbanization rate understates China’s progress in industrialization, i.e. the country’s rural-to-urban transition has entered a late stage and the current pace cannot be sustained in the future. Significantly, China’s underlying demographic shifts will likely lead to a passive increase in the urbanization rate in the second half of this decade. This trend will curb rather than boost demand in urban areas. The experience of developed countries suggests that the pace of urbanization begins to slow when the rate reaches around 70% (Chart 6). Based on China’s current level, the country should reach the 70% threshold in just six to seven years. Meanwhile, China is much more industrialized than generally perceived: the country’s industrialization rate is currently 85%, which means that 85% of jobs in China are in non-agricultural sectors (Chart 7). Chart 6Urbanization Progress Stabilizes When Reaching 70% Chart 7China Is Much More Industrialized Than Commonly Believed Furthermore, a higher urbanization reading may be the result of negative natural population growth. Given that the urbanization rate is calculated as a percentage of urban population in the total population, a decline in the absolute level of total population (the denominator) could lead to a passive increase in the numerator. Chart 8Japan Has Had A "Passive" Increase In Urbanization Since 2012 For example, Japan’s urbanization rate rose significantly during the 2000s, and maintained an upward momentum even as its total population peaked in 2010. However, its urban population growth rate dropped dramatically and turned negative in 2012 – suggesting the increase in the urbanization rate is due to a shrinking total population instead of expanding urbanities (Chart 8). The rising deathrate of the rural elderly population is another important reason for the accelerated increase in Japan's urbanization rate. China’s urban population growth is on a sharp down trend, although it is still slightly positive (Chart 9). However, the rural population has shrunk and aged, which limits future migration from rural to urban areas (Chart 10). China’s rural population has shrunk by almost half from its peak in 1995 to 2020. The share of the rural population 50 years and older doubled in the same period. Chart 9China's Urban Population Growth Is On The Decline... Chart 10...While Rural Population Has Shrunk And Aged Thus, China’s rural-to-urban migration has slowed in the past decade (the trend turned negative last year due to the pandemic). The number of new migrant workers moving from the country to the city tumbled from 12.5 million a year to 2.5 million, and the number of younger migrants (50 years and younger) has contracted since 2017 (Chart 11). Chart 11The Number Of Young Migrant Workers Started Contracting In 2017 Bottom Line: Country-to-city migration will be smaller going forward based on a diminishing rural population, an increasing number of elders and a reduced proportion of young people in rural areas. When China’s population peaks, which is highly likely by 2025, its urbanization progress will turn passive and the aggregate population growth in urban areas may also turn negative. Aggregate Housing Demand Will Dwindle The demographic shifts described above will impact the demand for properties and accentuate regional divergences in housing demand and prices. Historically, changes in the working-age population led residential home sales by five to six years. Home sales have fluctuated in a downward trend in the past five years along with a peak in the working-age population in 2015 (Chart 12). Moreover, the sharp deterioration in China’s birthrate means that home sales will be significantly reduced in the next 15-20 years. Chart 12Aggregate Demand For Housing Will Dwindle Along With Smaller Labor Force Chart 13Population Is An Important Driver For Urban Development The regional divergence in the demand for housing will also widen. Population, especially the labor force, is an important driver for urban development and housing (Chart 13 above). Population migration mainly occurs among 15-59-year-olds, and this cohort is also the main homeowner group. As China’s labor force increasingly flocks to developed areas, the economic development of less developed areas will face greater challenges (Chart 14). Those areas will encounter a combination of declining birthrate and outflow of labor force. This demographic shift is already evident in many two- and third-tier cities where housing prices have lagged far behind the tier-one cities (Chart 15). Chart 14Less Developed Regions Have Seen Net Population Losses In The Past Decade… Chart 15...And Softening Housing Prices Bottom Line: The drop in China’s birthrate and working-age population will lead to less demand for housing. However, China’s first-tier cities (and core metropolitan areas) will likely continue to outperform third- and fourth-tier cities in terms of labor growth, consumption and home prices. Labor Measures And Manufacturing Competitiveness Labor shortages in selected sectors and upward pressure on wages will likely intensify in the coming decade. While labor quantity will decrease, the quality of China’s labor force will remain competitive. From an aggregate economy perspective, improving labor productivity and automation can help to offset the smaller number of workers (Chart 16). Following two decades of rapid expansion in the industrial sector, China’s labor shortages began to multiply when the country’s urbanization ratio rose to between 50% and 60%. Looking at Japan and Korea, for example, a shortage in manufacturing labor emerged when the countries’ manufacturing/agricultural employment ratio climbed above one. China’s employment ratio likely have crossed this threshold in the mid-2010s, coinciding with a rollover in its working-age population and a massive jump in wage growth (Chart 17). Chart 16Improving Labor Quality To Offset Smaller Labor Quantity Chart 17Manufacturing Labor Shortage And Wage Pressure Intensified In Mid-2010s The manufacturing and service sectors will continue to compete with agriculture for labor. The wage gap between urban and rural areas is disappearing and there are signs of labor market tightness in urban settings (Chart 18). While the demand for labor has been flat, labor supply peaked in 2013/14 and has been on the wane since that time, which has resulted in an ascending demand-to-supply ratio in China’s urban labor market (Chart 19). Chart 18Wage Gap Between Urban And Rural Areas Is Disappearing Chart 19Urban Labor Supply Can't Keep Up With Demand The bright side is that China’s labor shortage and escalating wages have not eroded the competitiveness of its manufacturing sector. Impressive labor productivity gains and progressively improving labor quality have trumped higher input costs (Chart 20). Consistent with improved productivity, China’s share of global trade continues to build regardless of higher wages, a stronger currency, and import tariffs from the US (Chart 21). The manufacturing sector has gradually climbed the value-added chain in recent years and mounting wage pressures will likely push the corporate sector, particularly in more developed coastal regions, to move further away from a labor-intensive model. Chart 20Rising Wages But Stable Unit Labor Costs Chart 21Chinese Exporters Have Maintained Their Global Market Share Despite Higher Costs The 14th Five-Year Plan outlined policymakers’ decision to maintain the share of manufacturing in GDP, which is around 30%. Labor productivity in the manufacturing sector is notably higher than in the service sector. In an environment of shrinking labor, keeping workers in a high-productivity sector may be a better way to stabilize potential growth. Bottom Line: The competition for labor between sectors will intensify. Meanwhile, manufacturing’s share of China’s economy will likely be sustained in this decade, which will help to mitigate the speed of the deceleration in China’s growth. Implications On Policy Setting Chart 22AInterest Rates Drop With Aging Population The combination of a weak fertility/birthrate and a decline in the working-age population will weigh on consumption and investment growth, bringing deflationary headwinds to the economy. China’s interest rate regime will likely follow its Asian neighbors to downshift structurally (Chart 22). Despite moderating potential economic growth, a low interest rate environment may be positive for China’s financial asset prices. Chart 22BInterest Rates Drop With Aging Population Chart 22CInterest Rates Drop With Aging Population Chart 23Support Ratios Are Declining Globally One could argue that a falling support ratio – measured by the number of workers relative to consumers – can lead to inflation (Chart 23). This could happen to the US where baby boomers retire but continue to spend particularly on healthcare, while production falls along with the available workers. As production falls in relation to consumption, inflation could rise. However, this is not the case in China where both production and consumption will fall. Demand from an aging population may increase pockets of inflationary pressures, such as healthcare and elderly care, but it is unlikely to fully offset weakening demand from a declining working-age population and total population. In other words, both the numerator (workers) and denominator (consumers) will be falling in China. While a weakening demographic profile is negative for economic growth, lower prices on capital will make corporate debt-servicing cheaper. Further industrial consolidation aimed at supply-side reforms will also improve corporate profitability. Cheaper capital, improving productivity and efficiency could provide tailwinds to Chinese stocks and government bonds in the long run. Jing Sima China Strategist jings@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1As of 2020, China’s total population is at 1411.78 million. 2"China faces an economic crisis as a population peak nears," South China Morning Post, April 18, 2021. 3The total fertility rate is based on the number of newborns by women in child-bearing years, which is ages 15-44 or 15-49 by international statistical standards. Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations
Flash PMIs surprised to the upside in May. The US composite PMI jumped to a record high of 68.1 from 63.5; the Eurozone composite index climbed 3.1 points to 56.9 and beat the consensus forecast of a tamer rise to 55.1; and the UK composite PMI rose to 62.0…
Feature Chinese stocks remain in limbo despite robust economic data in April and early May (Chart 1). Onshore equities are pricing in policy tightening risks and a peak in the domestic economic cycle. Meanwhile, a regulatory clampdown on the tech sector continues to curb global investors’ enthusiasm towards Chinese investable stocks. The PBoC has not changed its course of policy normalization. The falling 3-month SHIBOR since March likely reflects softening demand for interbank liquidity rather than monetary easing (Chart 2). Chart 1Stay Underweight Chinese Stocks Chart 2No Easing In Monetary Policy Fiscal policy has also been consolidating with a renewed focus on reducing local government debt load and financial risks. A delay in local government bond issuance in Q1 could potentially boost bond sales in the second half of the year. However, as we noted late last month, without a synchronized policy push for more bank loans and loosened regulations on provincial government spending, an increase in special-purpose bond issuance alone will not make a significant difference in infrastructure investment nor economic growth. We still expect China's economy, which lags the credit cycle by six to nine months, to start weakening by mid-2021 (Chart 3A & 3B). Chart 3ADomestic Economic Growth Set To Slow Chart 3BPolicy Tightening Will Weigh On Earnings Growth In 2H21 Qingyun Xu, CFA Associate Editor qingyunx@bcaresearch.com Our BCA Li Keqiang Leading Indicator continues to fall despite a marginal improvement in the Monetary Conditions Index (MCI) component. The deceleration in both money supply and credit growth has more than offset a small uptick in the MCI (Chart 4). Furthermore, a rising RMB in trade-weighted and real terms will not help the profit outlook for China’s exporters (Chart 5). Overall, monetary conditions remain unfavorable for risk assets. This is consistent with the poor performance of Chinese stocks Chart 4Falling Credit And Money Growth More Than Offset A Minor Improvement In The MCI Chart 5Strengthening RMB Will Not Help The Profit Outlook For Chinese Exporters A sharp jump in state-owned enterprise (SOE) defaults since late last year is due to deteriorating corporate balance sheets. The defaults have exposed the weakened fiscal positions of local governments (Chart 6 & 7). SOE bond defaults have surpassed the number of private bond defaults this year. The more restrictive policy on local government financing, together with an acceleration in SOE defaults, will weigh on spending by local governments, local government financing vehicles (LGFVs) and SOEs. Chart 6Returns On SOE Assets Remain In Deep Contraction Chart 7SOE Bond Defaults Have Surpassed Private Bond Defaults The Politburo meeting on April 30 established new guidelines to reduce local government leverage, both on- and off-balance sheet debt. According to the new rules, local governments are strictly prohibited from obtaining “hidden debts” for new investment projects directly or through their affiliated SOEs, which include LGFVs. The directives also state that the assets of LGFVs with defaulted loans should be restructured or liquidated if companies are unable to repay their debts. In addition, financial institutions should not accept government guarantees when making decisions on lending to LGFVs or government related entities. Moreover, stricter measures in the property market have further dampened local governments’ fiscal situations since land sales account for 53% of local government fiscal revenues. Growth in government expenditures decelerated in recent months along with slowing land auctions (Chart 8). Scaled down fiscal supports will lead to subdued infrastructure investment growth this year (Chart 9). Chart 8Fiscal Stance Has Tightened Chart 9Subdued Growth In Infrastructure Investments In addition to policy tightening in the domestic economy, Chinese offshore stocks continue to face regulatory headwinds to root out monopolies in technology, media, and telecom (TMT) companies. The antitrust investigations and fines extending from Alibaba and Tencent to Meituan highlight China’s aim to curb platform oligopolies and monopolies. Meanwhile, Chinese tech firms listed on US exchanges are facing another regulatory threat on their accounting reporting standards, which could potentially result in their delisting from the US bourses. Moreover, elevated valuations and a weakening in the earnings outlook will generate more downside risks for TMT stocks (Chart 10). Given that TMT stocks account for around 50% of the MSCI China Index’s market capitalization, Chinese investable stocks are disproportionally vulnerable to a selloff in TMT stocks (Chart 11). Chart 10ATMT Stocks: From Tailwind To Headwind Chart 10BTMT Stocks: From Tailwind To Headwind Chart 11MSCI China Is Highly Concentrated In TMT Stocks China’s official PMI and the Caixin China PMI moved in opposite directions in April due to the nature of the two surveys. The Caixin PMI covers smaller, more export-oriented businesses while the NBS Manufacturing PMI includes larger, more domestically exposed companies. The divergence highlights that the domestic economy is losing speed while external demand remains robust (Chart 12). Given the dominance of domestic demand in China’s economy (investment expenditures, household spending and government spending), strong external demand will not fully offset the deceleration in domestic growth. New orders and production subcomponents in the official PMI moderated in April from March, which indicates a slowing momentum in economic activity (Chart 13). Moreover, construction PMI fell to 57.4 from 62.3 in March, corresponding with weaker infrastructure spending and more policy tightening in the real estate sector (Chart 13, bottom panel). Chart 12Conflicting Messages From The NBS And Caixin PMIs Chart 13Slowing Momentum In China's Economic Activity The moderating momentum in China’s economy is also reflected in April’s trade data, which showed a strengthening external sector and a slowing domestic demand. A few observations support our view: First, strong imports since early this year were partly due to robust re-exports. Solid external demand boosted processing imports, which in turn contributed to China’s overall import growth (Chart 14). Secondly, Chinese imports of commodities in volume, such as copper and steel products, have plunged recently. Chinese domestic demand for commodities will likely peak in the coming months, therefore, inventory destocking pressures and weakness in underlying consumption will threaten commodities prices (Chart 15). Finally, the strengthening of coal imports in volume terms may be related to China’s increasingly stringent environmental policies. A temporary cutback in domestic coal supply boosted the demand for imports. However, in the long run, China’s push for green energy will be bearish for Chinese coal imports (Chart 16). Chart 14Solid External Demand Boosted Processing Imports Chart 15Demand Of Commodities May Be Approaching A Cyclical Peak Chart 16China's Coal Imports Likely To Decline In The Long Run Housing prices in tier-one cities continue to post major gains despite a slew of tightening regulations in the property sector introduced since the second half of last year (Chart 17). The Politburo meeting last month reiterated authorities’ concerns over a bubble in housing. We expect authorities to impose additional regulations to constrain both financing supply and demand in the property sector. In the meantime, the existing policies have successfully started to cool the real estate market. Chart 17Skyrocketing Housing Prices In First-Tier Cities Chart 18Real Estate And Mortgage Loans Tumbled Under More Restrictive Borrowing Regulations Both mortgage loans and loans to real estate developers tumbled under more restrictive borrowing policies (Chart 18). Growth in home sales has also started to roll over (Chart 19). Housing completed has dropped significantly, which confirms that construction activity is decelerating. Looking forward, the reduced expansion rate of new projects due to shrinking land transfers and stricter borrowing regulations will further dampen construction activities in the second half of this year (Chart 20). Chart 19Home Sales Growth Started To Ease Chart 20Real Estate Investments Are Set To Slow Further Table 1China Macro Data Summary Table 2China Financial Market Performance Summary Footnotes Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations