Middle East & North Africa
Highlights Investors should expect little policy initiative out of the U.S. Congress after tax cuts; Polarization is likely to rise substantively in 2018, gridlocking Congress; Chinese policymakers are experimenting with growth-constraining reforms; Global growth has peaked; underweight emerging markets in 2018; Go long energy stocks relative to metal and mining equities. Feature Last week we published Part I of our 2018 Key Views.1 In it, we presented our five "Black Swans" for 2018: Lame Duck Trump: President Trump realizes his time in the White House is going to be short and seeks relevance abroad. He finds it in jingoism towards Iran - throwing the Middle East into chaos - and protectionism against China. A Coup In North Korea: Chinese economic pressure overshoots its mark and throws Pyongyang into a crisis. Kim Jong-un is replaced, but markets struggle to ascertain whether the successor is a moderate or a hawk. Prime Minister Jeremy Corbyn: Markets cheer the higher probability of "Bremain" and then remember that Corbyn is a genuine socialist. Italian Election Troubles: Markets are fully pricing in the sanguine scenario of "much ado about nothing," which is our view as well. But is there really anything to cheer in Italy? If not, then why is the Italian market the best performing in all of DM? Bloodbath In Latin America: Emerging markets stall next year as Chinese policymakers tighten financial regulations. As the tide pulls back, Mexico and Brazil are caught swimming naked. These are not our core views. As black swans, they are low-probability events that may disturb markets in 2018. Our core view remains that geopolitical risks were overstated in 2017 and will be understated in 2018 (Charts 1 & 2). Most importantly, U.S. politics will be a tailwind to global growth while Chinese politics will be a headwind to global growth. While the overall effect may be neutral, the combination will be bullish for the U.S. dollar and bearish for emerging markets.2 Chart 12018 Will See Risks Dominate... Chart 2...As Global Growth Concerns Reemerge This week, we turn to the three questions that we believe will define the year for investors: Is A Civil War Coming To America? Is The Ghost Of Deng Xiaoping Haunting China? Will Geopolitical Risk Shift To The Middle East? Is A Civil War Coming To America? On a recent visit to Boston and New York we were caught off guard by how alarmed several large institutional clients were about the risk of severe social unrest in the U.S. We share this concern about the level of polarization in the U.S. and expect social instability to rise over the coming years (Chart 3).3 When roughly 40% of both Democrats and Republicans believe that their political competitors pose a "threat to the nation's well-being," we have entered a new paradigm (Chart 4). Chart 3Inequality Fuels Political Polarization Chart 4"A Threat To The Nation's Well-Being?" Really?! Where we differ from some of our clients is in assessing the likely trigger for the unrest and its investment implications over the next 12 months. If the Democrats take the House of Representatives in the November 6 midterm election, as is our low-conviction view at this early point, then we would expect them eventually to impeach President Trump in 2019.4 Even then, it is not clear that the Senate would have the necessary 67 votes to convict Trump of the articles of impeachment (whatever they prove to be) and hence remove him from power. Republicans are likely to increase their majority in the Senate, even if they lose the House, because more Democratic senators are up for re-election in 2018. Therefore well over a dozen Republican senators would have to vote to remove a Republican president from power. For that to happen, Trump's popularity with Republican voters would have to go into a free fall, diving well below 60% (Chart 5). Meanwhile, we do not buy the argument that hordes of gun-wielding "deplorables" would descend upon the liberal coasts in case of impeachment. There may well be significant acts of domestic terrorism, particularly in the wake of any removal of Trump from office, but they would likely be isolated and unable to galvanize broader support. Our clients should remember, however, that ultra-right-wing militant groups are not the only perpetrators of domestic terrorism.5 Any acts of violence or social unrest are likely to draw press coverage and analytical hyperbole. But our left-leaning clients in the Northeast are likely overstating the sincerity of support for President Trump. President Trump won 44.9% of the Republican primary votes, but he averaged only 35% of the vote in the early days when the races were the most competitive. Given that only 25% of Americans identify as Republicans (Chart 6), it is fair to say that only about a third of that figure - 8%-10% of all U.S. voters - are Trump loyalists. Many conservative voters simply wanted change and were willing to give an outsider a chance (much as their liberal counterparts did in 2008!). Of that small percentage of genuine Trump fans, it is highly unlikely that a large share would seriously contemplate taking arms against the state in order to keep their leader in power against the constitutional impeachment process. Especially given that President Trump would be replaced by a genuine conservative, Vice President Mike Pence.6 Chart 5We Are A Long Way Away##BR##From Trump's Demise Chart 6Party Identifications##BR##Are Shrinking As such, we believe that it is premature to speak of a total breakdown of social order in America. It is notable that such a conversation is taking place, but other forms of polarization and social unrest are far more likely to be relevant at the moment. In terms of policy, we would expect gridlock in Congress if Democrats take the House and begin focusing on impeachment. In fact, gridlock may already be upon us, as we see little agreement between the Trump administration, its loyalists in Congress, and establishment Republican Senators like Dan Sullivan (R, Alaska), Cory Gardner (R, Colorado), Joni Ernst (R, Iowa), Susan Collins (R, Maine), Ben Sasse (R, Nebraska), and Thom Tillis (R, North Carolina). These six Senators are all facing reelection in 2020 and are likely to evolve into Democrats-in-all-but-name. If President Trump's overall popularity continues to decline, we would not be surprised if one or two (starting with Collins) even take the dramatic step of leaving the Republican Party for the 2020 election. Essentially, establishment Republicans will become effective Democrats ahead of the midterms. Post-midterm election, with Democrats potentially taking over the House, the legislative process will grind to a complete halt. Government shutdowns, debt ceiling fights, failure of proactive policymaking to deal with crises and natural disasters, will all rise in probability. As President Trump faces greater constraints in Congress, we can see him becoming increasingly reliant on his executive authority to create policy. He would not be unique in this way, as President Obama did the same. While Trump's executive policy will be pro-business, unlike Obama's, uncertainty will rise regardless. The business community will not be able to take White House policies seriously amidst impeachment and a potential Democratic wave-election in 2020. Whatever executive orders Trump signs into power over the next three years, chances are that they will be immediately reversed in 2020. What about the markets? The Mueller investigation and heightened level of polarization could create drawdowns in equity markets throughout the year. However, impeachment proceedings are not likely to begin in 2018 and have never carried more weight with investors than market fundamentals (Chart 7).7 True, the Watergate scandal under President Richard Nixon triggered a spike in volatility and a fall in equities. However, the scandal alone did not cause the correction, rather it was a combination of factors, including the second devaluation of the dollar, rapid increases in price inflation, massive insurance fraud, recession, and a global oil shock.8 Chart 7AFundamentals, Not Impeachment,##BR##Drive Markets Chart 7BFundamentals, Not Impeachment,##BR##Drive Markets What about the impact on the U.S. dollar? Does Trump-related political instability threaten the dollar's status as the chief global reserve currency and a major financial safe haven? The data suggest not. We put together a list of events in 2017 that could be categorized as "unorthodox, Trump-related, political risk" (Table 1). We specifically left out geopolitical events, such as the North Korean nuclear crisis, so as not to dilute our dataset's focus on domestic intrigue. As Chart 8 illustrates, the U.S. dollar rose slightly, on average, a week after each event relative to its average weekly return prior to the crisis. While this may not be a resounding vote of confidence for the greenback (gold performed better), there is no evidence that investors are betting on a paradigm shift away from the dollar as the global reserve currency. Table 1An Eventful Year 1 Of Trump Presidency Chart 8Trump Is Not A U.S. Dollar Paradigm Shift If investors should not worry about investment-relevant social strife in the U.S. in 2018, then when should they worry? Well, if Trump is actually removed from office, a first in U.S. history, at a time of extreme polarization, and in a country with easy access to arms and at least a strain of domestic terrorism, then 2019-20 will at least be a time for concern. Even without Trump's removal, we worry about unrest beyond 2018. We expect the ideological pendulum to shift to the left by the 2020 election. If our sister service - BCA's Global Investment Strategy - is correct, then a recession is likely to begin in late 2019.9 A combination of low popularity, market turbulence, and economic recession would doom Trump's chances of returning to the White House. But they would also be toxic for the candidacy of a moderate Democrat and would possibly propel a left-wing candidate to the presidency. Four years under a left-wing, socially progressive firebrand may be too much for many far-right voters to tolerate. Given America's demographic trends (Chart 9), these voters will realize that the writing is on the wall, that the window of opportunity to lock in their preferred policies has been firmly shut. The international context teaches us that disenchanted groups contemplate "exit" when the strategy of "voice" no longer works. How this will look in the U.S. is unclear at this point. Bottom Line: Investors should continue to fade impeachment-related, and Mueller investigation-related, pullbacks in the markets or the U.S. dollar in 2018. Our fears of U.S. social instability are mostly for the medium and long term. Fundamentals drive the markets and U.S. fundamentals remain solid for now. As our colleague Peter Berezin has pointed out, there is no imminent risk of a U.S. recession (Chart 10) and the cyclical picture remains bright (Chart 11).10 Chart 9A Changing America Chart 10No Imminent Risk Of A U.S. Recession Chart 11U.S. Cyclical Picture Is Bright Where BCA's Geopolitical Strategy diverges from the BCA House View, however, is in terms of the global growth picture. While we recognize that there are no imminent risks of a global recession, we do believe that the policy trajectory in China is being obfuscated by positive global economic projections. To this risk we now turn. Is The Ghost Of Deng Xiaoping Haunting China? Our view that Chinese President Xi Jinping would reboot his reform agenda after the nineteenth National Party Congress this October is beginning to bear fruit. Investors are starting to realize that the policy tightening of 2017 was not a one-off event but a harbinger of what to expect in 2018. China's economic activity is slowing down and the policy outlook is getting less accommodative (Chart 12).11 To be clear, we never bought into the 2013 Third Plenum "reform" hype, which sought to resurrect the ghost of Deng Xiaoping and his decision to open China's economy at the Third Plenum in 1978.12 Nor will we buy into any similar hype around the upcoming Third Plenum in 2018. Instead, we focus on policymaker constraints. And it seems to us that the constraints to reform in China have fallen since 2013. The severity of China's financial and economic imbalances, the positive external economic backdrop, the desire to avoid confrontation with Trump, and the Xi administration's advantageous moment in the Chinese domestic political cycle, all suggest to us that Xi will be driven to accelerate his agenda in 2018. Broadly, this agenda consists of revitalizing the Communist Party regime at home and elevating China's national power and prestige abroad. More specifically it entails: Re-centralizing power after a perceived lack of leadership from roughly 2004-12; Improving governance, to rebuild the legitimacy and popular support of the single-party state, namely by fighting corruption; Restructuring the economy to phase out the existing growth model, which relies excessively on resource-intensive investment while suppressing private consumption (Chart 13). Chart 12China's Economic Prospects Are Dimming Chart 13Excess Investment Is A Real Problem The October party congress showed that this framework remains intact.13 First, Xi was elevated to Mao Zedong's status in the party constitution, which makes it much riskier for vested interests to flout his policies. Second, he declared the creation of a "National Supervision Commission," which will expand the anti-corruption campaign from the Communist Party to the administrative bureaucracy at all levels. Third, he recommitted to his economic agenda of improving the quality of economic growth at the expense of its pace and capital intensity. What does this mean for the economy in 2018? We expect government policy to become a headwind, after having been a tailwind in 2016-17. As Xi and the top-decision-making Politburo officially stated on December 9, the coming year will be a "crucial year" for advancing the most difficult aspects of the agenda: Financial risk: Financial regulation will continue to tighten, not only on banks and shadow lenders but also on the property sector, which Chinese officials claim will see a new "long-term regulatory mechanism" begin to be enacted (perhaps a nationwide property tax) (Chart 14). Local governments will face greater central discipline over bad investments, excessive debt, and corruption. The new leadership of the People's Bank of China, and of the just-created "Financial Stability and Development Commission," will attempt to establish their credibility in the face of banks that will be clamoring for less readily available liquidity.14 Green industrial restructuring: State-owned enterprises (SOEs) will continue to face stricter environmental regulations and cuts to overcapacity. This is in addition to tighter financial conditions, SOE restructuring initiatives, and an anti-corruption campaign that puts top managers under the microscope. SOEs that have not been identified as national champions, or otherwise as leading firms, will get squeezed.15 What are the market implications? First and foremost, the status quo in China is shifting, which is at least marginally negative for China's GDP growth, fixed investment, capital spending, import volumes, and resource-intensity. Real GDP should fall to around 6%, if not below, rather than today's 7%, while the Li Keqiang index should fall beneath the 2013-14 average rate of 7.3%. Second, a smooth and seamless conclusion of the 2016-17 upcycle cannot be assumed. The government's heightened effectiveness in economic policy will stem in part from an increase in political risk: the expansion of the anti-corruption campaign and Xi Jinping's personal power.16 The linking of anti-corruption probes with general policy enforcement means that any lack of compliance could result in top officials being ostracized, imprisoned, or even executed. Xi's measures will have sharper teeth than the market currently expects. Local economic actors (small banks, shadow lenders, local governments, provincial SOEs) will behave more cautiously. This will create negative growth surprises not currently being predicted by leading economic indicators (Chart 15). Chart 14Property Tightening##BR##Continues Chart 15Our Composite LKI Indicator Suggests##BR##A Benign Slowdown In Growth Chinese economic policy uncertainty, credit default swaps, and equity volatility should trend upward, as investors become accustomed to sectors disrupted by government scrutiny and a government with a higher tolerance for economic pain (Chart 16). How should investors play this scenario? Despite the volatility, we still expect Chinese equities, particularly H-shares, to outperform the EM benchmark, assuming the economy does not spiral out of control and cause a global rout. Reforms will improve China's long-term potential even as they weigh on EM exports, currencies, corporate profits and share prices. On a sectoral basis, BCA's China Investment Strategy has shown that China's health care, tech, and consumer staples sectors (and arguably energy) all outperformed China's other sectors in the wake of the party congress, as one would expect of a reinvigorated reform agenda (Chart 17). These sectors should continue to outperform. Going long the MSCI Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG) Leaders index, relative to the broad market, is one way to bet on more sustainable growth.17 Chart 16Stability Continues##BR##After Party Congress? Chart 17China's Reforms Will Create##BR##Some Winners And Losers More broadly, investors should prefer DM over EM equities, since emerging markets (especially Latin America) will suffer from a slower-growing and less commodity-hungry China (Chart 18). Within the commodities complex, investors should expect crosswinds, with energy diverging upward from base metals that are weighed down by China.18 Chart 18Who Is Exposed To China? What are the risks to this view? How and when will we find out if we are wrong? Chart 19All Signs Pointing To Headwinds Ahead First, the best leading indicators of China's economy are indicators of money and credit, as BCA's Emerging Markets Strategy and China Investment Strategy have shown.19 The credit and broad money (M3) impulses have finally begun to tick back up after a deep dip, suggesting that in six-to-nine months the economy, which has only just begun to slow, will receive some necessary relief (Chart 19). The question is how much relief? Strong spikes in these impulses, or in the monetary conditions index or housing prices, would indicate that stimulus is still taking precedence over reform. Second, our checklist for a reform reboot, which we have maintained since April and is so far on track, offers some critical political signposts for H1 2018 (Table 2).20 For instance, if China is serious about deleveraging, then authorities will restrain bank lending at the beginning of the year. A sharp increase in credit growth in Q1 would greatly undermine our thesis (while likely encouraging exuberance globally).21 Also, in March, the National People's Congress (NPC), China's rubber-stamp parliament, will hold its annual meeting. NPC sessions can serve to launch new reform initiatives (as in 1998 and 2008) or new stimulus efforts (as in 2009 and 2016). This year's legislative session is more important than usual because it will formally launch Xi Jinping's second term. The event should provide more detail on at least a few concrete reform initiatives. If the only solid takeaways are short-term growth measures and more infrastructure investment, then the status quo will prevail. Table 2China Reform Checklist By the end of May, an assessment of the concrete NPC initiatives and the post-NPC economic data should indicate whether China's threshold for economic pain has truly gone up. If not, then any reforms that the Xi administration takes will have limited effect. It is important to note that our view does not hinge on China's refraining from stimulus altogether. We do not expect Beijing to self-impose a recession. Rather, we expect stimulus to be of a smaller magnitude than in 2015-16. We also expect the complexion of fiscal spending to continue to become less capital intensive as it is directed toward building a social safety net (Chart 20). Massive old-style stimulus should only return if the economy starts to collapse, or closer to the sensitive 2020-21 economic targets timed to coincide with the anniversary of the Communist Party.22 Chart 20China's Fiscal Spending Is Becoming Less Capital Intensive Bottom Line: The Xi administration has identified financial instability, environmental degradation, and poverty as persistent threats to the regime and is moving to address them. The consequences are, on the whole, likely to be negative for growth in the short term but positive in the long term. We expect China to see greater volatility but to benefit from better long-term prospects. Meanwhile China-exposed, commodity-reliant EMs will suffer negative side-effects. Will Geopolitical Risk Shift To The Middle East? The U.S. geopolitical "pivot to Asia" has been a central theme of our service since its launch in 2012.23 The decision to geopolitically deleverage from the Middle East and shift to Asia was undertaken by the Obama administration (Chart 21). Not because President Obama was a dove with no stomach to fight it out in the Middle East, but because the U.S. defense and intelligence establishment sees containing China as America's premier twenty-first century challenge. Chart 21U.S. Has Deleveraged From The Middle East The grand strategy of containing China has underpinned several crucial decisions by the U.S. since 2011. First, the U.S. has become a lot more aggressive about challenging China's military expansion in the South China Sea. Second, the U.S. has begun to reposition military hardware into East Asia. Third, Washington concluded a nuclear deal with Tehran in 2015 - referred to as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPA) - in order to extricate itself from the Middle East and focus on China.24 President Trump, however, while maintaining the pivot, has re-focused his rhetoric back on the Middle East. The decision to move the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem, while largely accepting a fait accompli, is an unorthodox move that suggests that this administration's threshold for accepting chaos in the Middle East is a lot lower. Our concern is that the Trump administration may set its sights on Iran next. President Trump appears to believe that the U.S. can contain China, coerce North Korea into nuclear negotiations, and reverse Iranian gains in the Middle East at the same time. In our view, he cannot. The U.S. military is stretched, public war weariness remains a political constraint, regional allies are weak, and without ground-troop commitments to the Middle East Trump is unlikely to change the balance of power against Iran. All that the abrogation of the JCPA would do is provoke Iran, which could lash out across the Middle East, particularly in Iraq where Tehran-supported Shia militias remain entrenched. Investors should carefully watch whether Trump approves another six-month waiver for the Iran Freedom and Counter-Proliferation Act (IFCA) of 2012. This act imposes sanctions against all entities - whether U.S., Iranian, or others - doing business with the country (Table 3). In essence, IFCA is the congressional act that imposed sanctions against Iran. The original 2015 nuclear deal did not abrogate IFCA. Instead, Obama simply waived its provisions every six months, as provided under the original act. Table 3U.S. Sanctions Have Global Reach BCA's Commodity & Energy Strategy remains overweight oil. As our energy strategists point out, the last two years have been remarkably benign regarding unplanned production outages. Iran, Libya, and Nigeria all returned production to near-full potential, adding over 1.5 million b/d of supply back to the world markets (Chart 22). This supply increase is unlikely to repeat itself in 2018, particularly as geopolitical risks are likely to return in Iraq, Libya, and Nigeria, and already have in Venezuela (Chart 23). Chart 22Unplanned Production Outages Are At The Lowest Level In Years Nigeria is on the map once again with the Niger Delta Avengers vowing to renew hostilities with the government. Nigeria's production has been recovering since pipeline saboteurs knocked it down to 1.4 million b/d in the period from May 2016 to June 2017, but rising tensions could threaten output anew. And Venezuela remains in a state of near-collapse.25 Iraq is key, and three risks loom large. First, as we have pointed out since early 2016, the destruction of the Islamic State is exposing fault lines between the Kurds - who have benefited the most from the vacuum created by the Islamic State's defeat - and their Arab neighbors.26 Second, remnants of the Islamic State may turn into saboteurs since their dream of controlling a Caliphate is dead. Third, investors need to watch renewed tensions between the U.S. and Iran. Shia-Sunni tensions could reignite if Tehran decides to retaliate against any re-imposition of economic sanctions by Washington. Not only could Tehran retaliate against Sunnis in Iraq, throwing the country into another civil war, but it could even go back to its favorite tactic from 2011: threatening to close the Straits of Hormuz. Another critical issue to consider is how the rest of the world would respond to the re-imposition of sanctions against Iran. Under IFCA, the Trump administration would be able to sanction any bank, shipping, or energy company that does business with the country, including companies belonging to European and Asian allies. If the administration pursued such policy, however, we would expect a major break between the U.S. and Europe. It took Obama four years of cajoling, threatening, and strategizing to convince Europe, China, India, Russia, and Asian allies to impose sanctions against Iran. For many economies this was a tough decision given reliance on Iran for energy supplies. A move by the U.S. to re-open the front against Iran, with no evidence that Tehran has failed to uphold the nuclear deal itself, would throw U.S. alliances into a flux. The implications of such a decision could therefore go beyond merely increasing the geopolitical risk premium. Chart 23Iraq, Libya, And Venezuela Are##BR##At Risk Of Production Disruptions In 2018 Chart 24Buy Energy,##BR##Short Metals Bottom Line: BCA's Commodity & Energy Strategy has set the average oil price forecast at $67 per barrel for 2018.27 We believe that the upside risk to this view is considerable. As a way to parlay our relatively bearish view on the Chinese economy with the bullish oil view of our commodity colleagues, we would recommend that our clients go long global energy stocks relative to metal and mining equities (Chart 24). Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Associate Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "2018 Key Views, Part I: Five Black Swans," dated December 6, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Geopolitics - From Overstated To Understated Risks," dated November 22, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Populism Blues: How And Why Social Instability Is Coming To America," dated June 9, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Break Glass In Case Of Impeachment," dated May 17, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 5 On June 14, James Hodkinson, a left-wing activist, attacked Republican members of Congress while practicing baseball for the annual Congressional Baseball Game for Charity. 6 A very sophisticated client in New York asked us whether we believed that National Guard units, who are staffed from the neighborhoods they would have to pacify in case of unrest, would remain loyal to the federal government in case of impeachment-related unrest. Our high-conviction view is that they would. First, the U.S. has a highly professionalized military with a strong history of robust civil-military relations. Second, if the Alabama National Guard remained loyal to President Kennedy in the 1963 University of Alabama integration protests - the so-called "Stand in the Schoolhouse Door" incident - then we certainly would expect "Red State" National Guard units to remain loyal to their chain-of-command in 2017. That said, the very fact that we do not consider the premise of the question to be ludicrous suggests that we are in a genuine paradigm shift. 7 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Break Glass In Case Of Impeachment," dated May 17, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 8 The "Saturday Night Massacre," which escalated the crisis in the White House, occurred in October, the same month that OPEC launched an oil embargo and caused the oil shock. The U.S. economy was already sliding into recession, which technically began in November. 9 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "The Timing Of The Next Recession," dated June 16, 2017, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 10 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "When To Get Out," dated December 8, 2017, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 11 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Northeast Asia: Moonshine, Militarism, And Markets," dated May 24, 2017, and Special Report, "China: Looking Beyond The Party Congress," dated July 19, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 12 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Reflections On China's Reforms," in "The Great Risk Rotation - December 2013," dated December 11, 2013, and Special Report, "Taking Stock Of China's Reforms," dated May 13, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 13 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China: Party Congress Ends ... So What?" dated November 1, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 14 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "The Wrath Of Cohn," dated July 26, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 15 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Xi Jinping: Chairman Of Everything," dated October 25, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 16 For instance, the decision to stack the country's chief bank regulator (the CBRC) with some of the country's toughest anti-corruption officials is significant and will bode ill not only for corrupt regulators but also for banks that have benefited from cozy relationships with them. This is not a neutral development with regard to bank lending. Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Geopolitics - From Overstated To Understated Risks," dated November 22, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 17 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Messages From The Market, Post-Party Congress," dated November 16, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 18 Note that these eco-reforms will reduce supply, which could offset - at least in part - the lower demand from within China. Please see BCA Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report, "Shifting Gears In China: The Impact On Base Metals," dated November 9, 2017, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. The status of China's supply-side reforms suggests that steel, coking coal, and iron ore prices are most likely to decline from current levels; please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, "China's 'De-Capacity' Reforms: Where Steel & Coal Prices Are Headed," dated November 22, 2017, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 19 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, "Ms. Mea Challenges The EMS View," dated October 19, 2017, available at ems.bcaresearch.com, and China Investment Strategy Special Report, "The Data Lab: Testing The Predictability Of China's Business Cycle," dated November 30, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 20 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Political Risks Are Understated In 2018," dated April 12, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 21 It is primarily credit excesses that a reform-oriented government would seek to rein in, while fiscal spending may have to increase to try to compensate for slower credit growth. 22 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China: Looking Beyond The Party Congress," dated July 19, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 23 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Power And Politics In East Asia: Cold War 2.0?" dated September 25, 2012, and "Brewing Tensions In The South China Sea: Implications," dated June 13, 2012, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 24 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Out Of The Vault: Explaining The U.S.-Iran Détente," dated July 15, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 25 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Energy Sector Strategy Special Report, "Venezuela: Oil Market Rebalance Is Too Little, Too Late," dated May 17, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 26 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Scared Yet? Five Black Swans For 2016," dated February 10, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 27 Please see BCA Commodity & Energy Strategy, "Key Themes For Energy Markets In 2018," dated December 7, 2017, available at ces.bcaresearch.com.
Highlights Our out-of-consensus call on oil prices - Brent and WTI are expected to trade to $65 and $63/bbl, respectively, next year - has the most upside risk from unplanned production outages in Iraq and Venezuela. The potential for export losses from Libya, while not as acute, remains high. Downside price risks - e.g., a meaningful softening of demand, or sharply higher U.S. shale-oil production - are not as elevated as upside price risks, in our view. Favorable global macro conditions will continue to support the synchronized global upturn in GDP, keeping oil demand growth on track. The strained balance sheets of many U.S. shale-oil producers and deepwater-producing Majors likely will limit their ability to fund drilling, as recent earnings calls from oil-services companies attest.1 We continue to monitor global monetary conditions, particularly in the U.S. With global oil markets tightening as supply contracts and demand expands, the broad trade-weighted USD will become more of a factor in oil-price determination next year. Energy: Overweight. Our long $55/bbl WTI calls vs. short $60/bbl WTI call spreads in Jul/18 and Dec/18 recommended last week are up 9.3% and 5.8%, respectively. Base Metals: Neutral. Copper has been well bid, and is up 8.5% since the beginning of the month. The proximate cause of the price strength is investor optimism regarding global growth, particularly in China. However, following their biannual meeting earlier this week, the International Copper Study Group kept its projected 2017 deficit unchanged, and downgraded their 2018 projection to 105k MT, from 170k MT. Precious Metals: Neutral. Gold is under pressure as markets weigh the possibility President Trump will appoint a more hawkish Fed Chair to succeed Janet Yellen. Ags/Softs: Neutral. Following a backlash from Midwestern politicians, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) abandoned proposed changes to the U.S. Renewable Fuel Standard. The EPA also will keep 2018 renewable fuel volume mandates at or above current proposed levels. Corn gained 2.4% since this announcement last week. Our corn-vs.-wheat spread is up 1.6% since inception. Feature Our out-of-consensus call on Brent and WTI prices for next year has a significant amount of daylight between the prices we expect - $65 and $63/bbl for Brent and WTI, respectively - and price estimates we derive using the U.S. EIA's supply, demand and inventory expectations, which are $15.1 and $13.8/bbl lower (Chart of the week). Chart of the WeekPrices Derived Using BCA And EIA##BR##Global Balance Estimates Our bullish oil price call is predicated on stronger global demand growth than EIA and other forecasters' estimates (Chart 2 & Table 1), and an extension of the OPEC 2.0 production cuts to end-June 2018 (Chart 3).2 These fundamentals combine to sustain a supply deficit for the better part of 2018 (Chart 4), which results in stronger inventory draws in the OECD (Chart 5). Net, we expect OECD stocks to fall below their five-year average level by year-end 2018. Chart 2Stronger Global Demand Growth ... Chart 3...And Continued OPEC 2.0 Discipline... Table 1BCA Global Oil Supply - Demand Balances (mm b/d) Chart 4...Produce A Supply Deficit For Most Of 2018... Chart 5...Leading To OECD Inventory Normalization Upside Price Risks Dominate In 2018 In assessing the "known unknown" risks to our call, those on the upside clearly dominate in 2018. Chief among these risks are unplanned production outages, which have been somewhat under control versus the past two years (Chart 6). Nonetheless, we believe the risk of unplanned outages within OPEC - in Iraq and Venezuela, in particular - are elevated. The potential for export losses from Libya, while not as acute, remains high (Chart 7). Chart 6Unplanned Outages Are Down ... Chart 7...But Key States Are At Risk The risk of unplanned outages is highest in Iraq, where production is running at ~ 4.5mm b/d in 3Q17 (Chart 7, panel 1). Exports on the Ceyhan pipeline from Iraq's northern Kurdish region through Turkey to the Mediterranean fell by more than half to as low as 225k b/d, following a non-binding independence referendum in Iraq's restive Kurdistan region at the end of September. This led to armed conflict between Iraqi and Kurdish forces.3 Independence for the semi-autonomous region was supported by more than 90% of Iraqi Kurds. However, the Iraqi government in Baghdad, along with its neighbors in Turkey and Iran, opposed the referendum, as did the U.S. This lack of support likely prompted the Kurdistan Regional Government's (KRG) offer to "freeze" the referendum this week, and to seek immediate cease-fire talks with Baghdad. Export flows from Kirkuk and the Kurdish region have been restored this week to ~ 300k b/d, or half of the volumes exported prior to the referendum, according to Bloomberg.4 Even with the offer to freeze the referendum - presumably, this means the semi-autonomous Kurdish government will abstain from pressing for independence if its offer is accepted and Baghdad agrees to negotiate an immediate cease-fire - this issue is far from settled. BCA's Geopolitical Strategy noted last month, the critical issue for the oil market remains sustained conflict between the Iraqi central government and the KRG. The question that cannot be answered yet is what "would (a conflict) do to future efforts to boost Iraqi production. Iraq is the last major oil play on the planet that can cheaply and easily, with 1920s technologies, access significant new production. If a major war breaks out in the country, it is difficult to see how Iraq would sustain the necessary FDI inflows to develop its fields to boost production, even if the majority of production is far from the Kurdish region. Given steady global oil demand, the world is counting on Iraq to fill the gap with cheap oil. If it cannot, higher oil prices will have to incentivize tight-oil and off-shore production."5 A huge "known unknown" resides in Venezuela, where we have production running at ~ 1.96mm b/d in 3Q17, sharply down from 2.4mm b/d during 2011-2015. The state oil company, Petroleos de Venezuela, SA, or PDVSA, is struggling to amass enough cash to meet critical near-term international interest and debt payment obligations, and can no longer afford to buy the chemicals and equipment required to make the country's heavy oil suitable for refining. This lack of cash is causing oil quality from Venezuela to deteriorate, as more exports are showing up with high levels of water, salt or metals. This is raising the odds refiners from the U.S. to China could turn barrels away in the near future unless the situation is reversed.6 Indeed, Reuters reported Phillips 66, a U.S. refiner, cancelled "at least eight crude cargoes because of poor oil quality in the first half of the year and demanded discounts on other deliveries, according to ... PDVSA documents and employees from both firms. The cancelled shipments - amounting at 4.4 million barrels of oil - had a market value of nearly $200 million." Venezuela's financial condition has steadily worsened following the collapse of oil prices at the end of 2014. Production is at its lowest level in 30 years, and banks have stopped extending letters of credit, which are critical to trading in the international oil market, in the wake of U.S. sanctions ordered by President Trump, as Reuters notes. In addition, PDVSA has been denied access to storage facilities in St. Eustatius terminal, because it owes the owner of the facility, Texas-based NuStar Energy, some $26 million in fees.7 Markets will be watching closely to see if Venezuela performs on $2 billion in USD-denominated bond payments, one of which is due tomorrow, and the other due next week (November 2). Venezuela missed debt coupon payments of some $350mm earlier this month, and has a total outstanding obligation for this year of $3.4 billion.8 In all likelihood, Venezuela will once again turn to Russia for additional financial support, which has stepped in as a "lender of last resort" replacing China.9 Venezuela owes Russia some $17 billion. Of this, Rosneft Oil Co., a Russian oil company, has loaned PDVSA $6 billion.10 In Libya, where we have production at 910k b/d in 3Q17 (Chart 7, panel 3), the risk of unplanned production outages is not as acute as the risks in Iraq and Venezuela, but important nonetheless. As a failed and fractured state, Libya faces particular challenges in maintaining production. Wood Mackenzie believes Libyan production likely has plateaued. The oil consultancy believes Libya's max production is limited to 1.25 million b/d.11 However, "Reaching this would be quite an achievement, given ongoing challenges, including international oil companies' reluctance to recommit capital and expertise, a national oil company starved of funding - and, not least, the propensity for violence to flare up and armed groups to hinder oil output." Downside Price Risks Less Daunting In 2018 Chart 8The USD Will Become More Important##BR##As Oil Markets Tighten Next Year Downside price risks - e.g., a meaningful softening of demand, or sharply higher U.S. shale-oil production - are not as elevated as risks to the upside, in our view. The favorable global macro conditions we discussed in last week's forecast will continue to support the synchronized global upturn in GDP. This will keep global oil demand growing at ~ 1.67mm b/d on average in 2017 and 2018, based on our estimates. We expect U.S. shale production to increase to 5.17 mm b/d in 2017 and to 6.09 mm b/d next year, as higher prices incentivize renewed drilling activity. However, the strained balance sheets of many shale-oil producers and a renewed - although perhaps only temporary - push from equity investors for shale producers to focus on improving economic returns rather than merely pursuing maximal production growth, likely will limit their ability to fund drilling, as recent earnings calls from oil-services companies attest. Away from fundamentals, we are monitoring U.S. monetary policy closely, given the potential for the USD to become a headwind once again for commodity prices generally, and oil prices in particular. As we noted last week, we expect the tightening of oil markets globally to restore the linkage between the USD and oil prices - i.e., the inverse correlation between them (a stronger USD is bearish for crude oil prices, and vice versa). The transitory noise surrounding the next Fed Chair will dissipate within the next few weeks, allowing the U.S. central bank and markets to focus on the evolution of monetary policy next year, following a widely expected rate hike in December. During the transitional phase the oil market is currently passing through - falling supply and stout demand are tightening the market globally - the USD's importance will increase as a determinant of oil prices (Chart 8). Bottom Line: Our oil-price call for next year - $65/bbl for Brent and $63/bbl for WTI - is predicated on stronger global demand growth, and an extension of the OPEC 2.0 production cuts to end-June 2018. These fundamentals will produce stronger inventory draws in the OECD, and bring stocks below their five-year average by year-end 2018. In our view, upside price risks clearly dominate in 2018. Chief among these risks are unplanned production outages in key OPEC states - Iraq, Venezuela and Libya - which account for ~ 7.4mm b/d of production at present. Robert P. Ryan, Senior Vice President Commodity & Energy Strategy rryan@bcaresearch.com Hugo Bélanger, Research Assistant HugoB@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Research's Energy Sector Strategy Weekly Report "Oilfield Service Quarterly Update: U.S. Stagnation," published October 25, 2017. It is available at nrg.bcaresearch.com. 2 OPEC 2.0 is the producer coalition lead by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) and Russia. Please see last week's feature article in Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report, "Oil Forecast Lifted As Markets Tighten," for a discussion of our assumptions, models and estimates. It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see "Update 2 - Iraqi Kurdistan faces first major oil outage since referendum," published by uk.reuters.com October 18, 2017. See also "Iraq's NOC vows to maintain Kirkuk oil flows after ousting Kurds," published by S&P Global Platts October 17, 2017, for additional background. 4 Please see "Iraqi Kurds Offer To Freeze Independence Referendum Results," published October 25, 2017, by Bloomberg.com. 5 Please see BCA Research's Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report "Iraq: An Emergent Risk," p. 23 in the September 20, 2017 issue. It is available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see "Venezuela's deteriorating oil quality riles major refiners," published by reuters.com October 18, 2017. 7 Please see "Exclusive: PDVSA blocked from using NuStar terminal over unpaid bills," published by uk.reuters.com October 20, 2017. 8 Please see "Venezuela is blowing debt payments ahead of a huge, make-or-break bill," published by cnbc.com on October 20, 2017. 9 Please see "Special Report: Vladimir's Venezuela - Leveraging loans to Caracas, Moscow snaps up oil assets," published by reuters.com on August 11, 2017. 10 Rosneft's majority owner is the Russian government. See "Glencore sells down stake in Russia's Rosneft," published by telegraph.co.uk on September 8, 2017. Glencore's 14.6% stake in Rosneft was sold to CEFC China Energy, according to the Telegraph. 11 Please see "WoodMac: Libya's oil production might have reached near-term potential," in the October 20, 2017, issue of Oil & Gas Journal. Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Trades Closed in 2017 Summary of Trades Closed in 2016
Highlights U.S. Treasury yields should continue to rise as investors price-out doomsday risk; Tensions surrounding North Korea will continue, but there are signs that negotiations have started and that China is playing ball on sanctions; Meanwhile, our view that tax cuts are coming is finally coming to fruition; Fade renewed European risks regarding Brexit and Catalan independence; But the independence push by Kurds in Iraq could have market impact. Feature Early in the second quarter, BCA's Geopolitical Strategy made two predictions. First, we said that summer would be a time to stay invested in U.S. equities and largely ignore domestic politics.1 Second, that North Korea would become an investment-relevant risk and buoy safe-haven plays but would not lead to a full-scale war (and hence not cause a global correction).2 The summer proved lucrative for both risk-on and risk-off trades, best emblemized by solid returns for both the S&P 500 and 10-year U.S. Treasury (Chart 1 A & B). Chart 1ARisk Assets Have Rallied... Chart 1B...At The Same Time As Safe Havens Can this continue? We do not think so. Geopolitics can influence the 10-year Treasury yield via two mechanisms: safe-haven flows and fiscal policy. On both fronts, we see movements that should support a pickup in yields over the rest of the year, a view corroborated by our colleagues on the fixed-income team. First, investors finally have progress on tax legislation that we have been forecasting since President Trump's election. Given the markets' collective pessimism on corporate tax reform (Chart 2), we expect any good news to change the current narrative. While it is still difficult to envision tax legislation that massively stimulates the economy, it is also difficult to imagine tax legislation that is revenue-neutral. As such, fiscal policy in the U.S. should be at least mildly stimulative in 2018, supporting higher yields. Second, we remain concerned that North Korea could escalate the ongoing tensions in East Asia.3 However, Pyongyang is constrained by its military capacity, which limits what it can realistically do to threaten its neighbors. As we discuss below, there are emerging signs of both diplomatic negotiations and Chinese pressure, key signposts that we have passed the peak on our "Arc of Diplomacy." As such, investors should prepare for the bond rally to reverse and the broader risk-on phase to extend through the end of the year. We expect the "Trump reflation trade" - USD appreciation, yield-curve steepening, and small-cap outperformance (Chart 3) - to restart if our views on the U.S. legislative agenda and North Korean tensions hold. Chart 2Investors Remain Pessimistic On Tax Reform... Chart 3...And On Trump's Policy In General U.S. Treasuries: Fade The Doomsday Trade Our colleagues at BCA's fixed-income desk have shown that flows into safe havens over the summer have widened the disconnect between global yields and economic fundamentals (Chart 4).4 Chief Fixed-Income Strategist Rob Robis points out that BCA's own valuation model for the 10-year U.S. Treasury yield indicates that "fair value" sits at 2.67%, nearly 55bps higher than current market levels (Chart 5).5 This is a level of overvaluation that even exceeds the extreme levels seen after the U.K. Brexit vote in July of 2016. Rob believes that the summer bond rally is about safe-haven demand, depressed investor sentiment, and underwhelming inflation, in that order. It is certainly not about growth expectations, which remain buoyant (Chart 6). Chart 4Falling Yields Reflect Save Haven Demand,##br## Not Slower Growth Chart 5U.S. Treasuries ##br##Are Overvalued Chart 6Global Growth##br## Remains Buoyant To prove that underwhelming inflation has not spurred the latest rally in Treasuries, Rob decomposes developed market bond yield changes since the July 7 peak in U.S. yields. The benchmark 10-year U.S. Treasury yield has risen 20bps off those September lows as investors have priced out doomsday risk. Table 1 shows that yields declined everywhere but Canada (where the central bank has been hiking interest rates). Yet the vast majority of the yield decline has come from falling real yields and not lower inflation expectations, which have actually stabilized over the summer. This has also occurred via a bull-flattening move in government bond yield curves, which suggests it is risk-aversion that has driven yields lower. Table 1Changes In DM Bond Yields Over The Summer (From July 7th Peak In U.S. Treasury Yields) The conclusion of our fixed-income team is that there is now considerable upside risk in global yields. We agree. While North Korea could retaliate against the just-imposed UN sanctions in various ways, it is difficult to see the market reacting with the same vigor as it did in July and August. Investors are becoming desensitized to North Korean provocations, especially as the latter remain confined to "expected and accepted" forms of belligerence, even in the current context of heightened tensions. Future North Korean safe-haven rallies will be of shorter amplitude and duration. The September 15 missile launch over Japan (the fourth time this has happened) has shown this to be the case. Chart 7Position For A Tactically Wider UST-Bund Spread Bottom Line: BCA's bond team remains short duration, a position that our political analysis supports. We will keep our 2-year/30-year Treasury curve-steepener trade open, despite it being in the red by 34.3bps. In addition, we are closing our short Fed Funds January 2018 futures position (for a gain of 0.51bps) and opening a new short Fed Funds December 2018 position. Any sign of emerging bipartisanship should also favor higher fiscal spending, as policymakers almost always come together to spend money rather than cut spending. In addition, we are recommending that our clients put on a U.S. Treasury-German Bund spread widening trade.6 Rob has pointed out that this is a way to profit directly from higher fiscal spending in the U.S., particularly since there is no sign that Germany will change its government spending following its unremarkable election campaign. The data also supports a tactical widening of the Treasury-Bund spread, which is correlated with the relative data surprises (Chart 7). U.S. Politics: From Impeachable To Ingenious The crucial moment for the Trump presidency was the White House purge of the "Breitbart clique" following the social unrest in Charlottesville, Virginia on August 11-12.7 That move has made headway for upcoming tax legislation and resolution of the debt ceiling imbroglio. While some investors saw the racially motivated rioting in Virginia as a harbinger of a major risk-off episode, we saw it essentially as a "Peak Stupid" moment in U.S. politics. We may not know precisely what goes on in President Trump's mind, but we know that he likes polls. And his polling with Republican voters suffered appreciably following the Charlottesville fiasco (Chart 8). Strong Republican support for President Trump is the main source of his political capital. He can use it to cajole and influence Republicans in Congress via the upcoming Republican primary process ahead of the midterm elections. If he loses that support, his political capital will erode and he could become the earliest "lame duck" president in recent U.S. history. Worse, if support among Republicans were to fall below 70%, Trump could embark upon a Nixonian trajectory that could indeed lead to impeachment (Chart 9). Chart 8Trump's Support With GOP Voters Suffered... Chart 9... But Remains Well Above Nixonian Levels Many clients have asked us about the debt ceiling deal that President Trump made with Democrats and whether it signals a radical shift towards bipartisanship. We do not think so. In fact, we think the deal is mostly irrelevant. As we argued throughout the summer, the idea that there would be another debt ceiling crisis this year was always a figment of the media's imagination. There was never any evidence that a sufficient number of members of the House of Representatives wanted to play brinkmanship with the debt ceiling. First, Democrats in both houses of Congress have been clear throughout the year that they would not play politics with the debt ceiling. Second, investors and the media continuously overestimate the strength of the Freedom Caucus, the fiscally conservative grouping of Tea Party-linked representatives. There are 41 members of the Freedom Caucus, whereas 55 Republicans in the House sit in districts that are at least theoretically vulnerable to a Democratic challenge (Table 2).8 The danger for House Speaker Paul Ryan is not that the Freedom Caucus abandons the establishment line, but that the 55 Republicans listed in Table 2 abandon the Republican line. This, in fact, happened throughout the Obama presidency, with centrist Republicans voting with Democrats in the House on a number of key legislative bills (Chart 10). Table 2Plenty Of Vulnerable Republican Representatives Chart 10The Obama Years: A Governing 'Grand Coalition' This is why Speaker Paul Ryan largely ignored the Freedom Caucus and proposed an eighteen-month extension of the debt ceiling. He was never going to allow the Freedom Caucus to play brinkmanship. That President Trump picked the shorter Democrat version is significant only in so far as it signaled that he was willing to work with Democrats. In other words, the move was a "shot across the bow" of Republicans, a message that they had better get started on tax legislation, or else ... What should investors watch now? There are three main issues to follow: Tax legislation outline: House Speaker Paul Ryan has set the week of September 25 as the deadline for Republicans to outline their tax policy plan. The good news for investors is that the outline will supposedly include an already agreed-upon framework by both the House Ways and Means Committee - Chaired by Representative Kevin Brady (R, TX) - and the Senate Finance Committee - Chaired by Senator Orin Hatch (R-UT). Brady and Hatch are serious players and their comments on tax policy should be followed closely. Both favor legislation that would be retroactively applied to FY 2017, even if the bill is actually passed in 2018. They are also part of the Republican "Big Six" group on tax policy, along with Speaker Ryan, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, and National Economic Council Director Gary Cohn. Reconciliation instructions: The House Budget Committee passed a FY 2018 budget resolution in late July that included "reconciliation instructions" for tax legislation. These instructions allow Republicans to use the reconciliation procedure - a process that allows the Senate to pass legislation without needing 60 votes.9 However, the House version of the budget resolution also included over $200 billion of spending cuts, which is unlikely to pass in the Senate. As such, investors have to carefully watch for the House and Senate Republicans to pass a final budget resolution in order to kick off the reconciliation process. This process will likely happen in October, after the tax legislation package is presented by the Big Six. At that point, the Freedom Caucus will have the ability to extract concessions from establishment Republicans as their votes are needed to pass the budget resolution. We suspect that no Democrats will support the budget resolution given that they have not been involved in the tax policy process thus far. Trump's involvement: President Ronald Reagan's personal support and lobbying for the 1986 tax reform proved critical in getting the bill through Congress.10 President Trump's focus and energy will have to be on par with that of Reagan's if he plans to accomplish the same. A headwind for Trump is the lack of legislative experience in his White House (Chart 11). However, since the appointment of Chief of Staff General John F. Kelly, there has been a clear shift of focus on the legislative process. Chart 11Trump Administration Is On The Low End Of Congressional Experience Bottom Line: We expect investors to start gleaning the outlines of tax policy by late September, with the budget resolution containing reconciliation instructions being passed by both houses of Congress by the end of November. It may be too much to ask Congress to have an actual bill ready to pass by the end of the year, as we originally expected,11 particularly as there is now a potential immigration deal to negotiate with Democrats and last-minute effort to repeal and replace Obamacare. As such, we still think that it will take until the end of Q1 2018 for tax legislation to pass Congress (Q2 in the worst-case scenario for Republicans). Investors, however, will begin to price in a higher probability of tax policy as soon as the outline of the bill emerges in October. As such, we are reiterating our recommendation that investors go long U.S. small caps relative to large caps. Tax policy should overwhelmingly benefit small caps, which actually pay the 35% corporate tax rate. In addition, we would expect the USD to arrest its decline and rally by the end of the year. North Korea: At The Apogee Of "The Arc Of Diplomacy" To illustrate the current North Korean predicament to readers, we have referred to an "arc of diplomacy" (Chart 12), which we illustrate by referencing the rise and fall of U.S. tensions with Iran from 2010-15. The pattern is for the U.S. to increase tensions deliberately in order to convince its enemy that the military option is "on the table." Only once a "credible threat" of war has been established can the negotiations begin in earnest. Chart 12A Lesson From Iran: Tensions Ramp Up As Nuclear Negotiations Begin We are at or near the peak of this process. First: what is the worst-case scenario for markets if the North causes a crisis short of a devastating war? Using our short list of geopolitical crises (Table 3),12 our colleague Anastasios Avgeriou, chief strategist of BCA's U.S. Equity Strategy, notes that while the average peak-to-trough drop of a major crisis is 9%, equity returns also tend to rise 5% within six months and 8% within twelve months after the crisis. To illustrate the trend, Anastasios has constructed an S&P 500 profile of the average geopolitical crisis, and the picture is encouraging (Chart 13). It shows that the market is likely to grind higher even if North Korea does something truly out of the box. Table 3Geopolitical Crises And SPX Returns Nor is a geopolitical incident (again, short of total war) likely to cause a U.S. or global recession. Aside from direct shocks to oil, such as in 1973 and 1990, only the U.S. Civil War (that is, a war waged on U.S. turf) caused a recession at the outset. Other major wars (WWI, WWII, the Korean War) caused recessions when they concluded because of the sharp drop in federal spending as a result of reduced military spending. What makes us think we are at or near the peak of North Korea's belligerent threats? China appears to be enforcing sanctions: at least according to China's official statistics (Chart 14). There is no doubt there are discrepancies and black market activity, but it makes sense for China to dial up the pressure (while never imposing crippling sanctions) and that appears to be occurring. China and Russia agreed to reduce fuel supplies. Both sides agreed to new UN sanctions on September 11 that would partially cut off North Korean fuel. This is a significant step, given that Chart 14 indicates China is already moving in this direction. The U.S. and North Korea have begun diplomatic talks. According to Japan's NHK press on September 14, former U.S. diplomat Evans Revere met with Choe Kang-Il, the deputy director general of the North American bureau of North Korea's foreign ministry in Switzerland over the past week. The U.S. State Department spokeswoman Heather Nauert all but confirmed that some kind of communication is underway, and Secretary of State Rex Tillerson has described his diplomatic initiative as highly active. The last efforts at negotiations, via the longstanding New York channel, were discontinued in June after the death of a U.S. prisoner in North Korea. Those were focused on retrieving U.S. citizens, whereas the new talks allegedly centered on the latest UN sanctions, i.e. a crux of the relationship. The implication is that North Korea is responding to pressure now that its critical fuel supplies are at risk. South Korea is offering aid. South Korea's new government is looking to give the North humanitarian aid, as expected, and will decide on September 21 about a special package for pregnant women and infants. It is suggesting that such aid has no conditionality on the North's behavior. At the same time, the U.S. administration is talking down Trump's recent threat to discontinue the U.S.-South Korean free trade agreement - meaning that the U.S. may even condone the South Korean administration's more diplomatic approach to the North. Chart 13Who Is Afraid Of Geopolitical Crises? Chart 14Is China Finally Playing Ball? At the same time, North Korea is running out of options for provocations that it can commit without provoking a costly response from the U.S. and its allies. The September 15 missile test over Japan was essentially the fourth of its kind, and the market shrugged it off. Here are some options, drawn from our list of scenarios and probabilities (Table 4): Table 4North Korean Scenarios Over The Next Year More of the same: Nuclear and missile tests could continue, or be conducted at higher frequencies or simultaneously. While technical advances may become apparent, they will not change the game. U.S. Territory: The North could create a bigger risk-off move than we saw in July-August if it shot ICBMs toward Guam, or other U.S. territories, as it has suggested it might do. This is especially risky because the U.S. Secretary of Defense James Mattis has repeated Trump's warning to North Korea to not even threaten the United States. However, as long as no such missile actually strikes U.S. territory, the U.S. is unlikely to respond with an attack, and thus such a scare seems likely to fade like the others. Attacking South Koreans: The North has a history of state-backed terrorist actions and military actions. An attack limited to South Korea will cause a shock, in the current context, but the military consequences are still likely to be contained given the extensive history of such attacks. If it is an attack against South Korean civilians in a non-disputed territory, it will leave a bigger mark than it otherwise would, but the South is still likely either to retaliate in strict proportionality, or to refrain from action and use the event as a way of galvanizing international sanctions. Attacking Americans or U.S. allies: The true danger in the current climate is an attack that kills U.S. citizens, or U.S. allies who are not as, shall we say, understanding as the South Koreans (such as the Japanese). This could cause the U.S. or Japan or another ally to take a retaliatory action. Even if limited, this could cause a deep correction in the market. The U.S. response would likely still be limited and proportional. Then the question would be whether the North Koreans can afford to escalate. They can't. The military asymmetry is excessive. This is not the case of the Japanese in 1941, who believed they had the potential of defeating the U.S. if they acted quickly enough and the U.S. was distracted in Europe (Diagram 1). Diagram 1North Korea Crisis: A Decision Tree As the foregoing demonstrates, there could still be big ups and downs between now and the resumption of formal international negotiations, let alone a satisfactory diplomatic accord. The tensions could yet reach another peak. Nevertheless, our sense is that the pieces are falling into place for the North to moderate its behavior, sending the signal that it is ready to engage in real negotiations. Since the U.S. has consistently shown its readiness to talk directly with the North - coming from both Trump and Tillerson - we think we could see shuttle diplomacy taking place as early as this winter. Here are some dates and events to watch: Military exercises: Will the U.S., South Korea, and Japan stop or slow down the pace of military exercises? This could open space for North Korea to offer an olive branch in return. October 10 - anniversary of the Worker's Party of Korea: The North may take an extraordinary action, no action, or familiar actions like missile tests. October 11-25 - China's party congress: The North could fall silent ahead of the big event, or could attempt to disrupt it. China, in turn, could take action around this time (particularly afterwards) to send a signal to the North to tone down the belligerence. In previous periods of tension, China has reputedly drawn a harder line on North Korea in the month of December, when end-of-year quotas made certain trade measures more convenient. Late October - Japanese snap election? Rumor has it that Shinzo Abe is thinking of calling a snap election as early as this month. We normally dismiss such rumors but this time there is a certain logic: two North Korean missiles have flown over Hokkaido in as many months, while the Japanese opposition is in total disarray. If Abe calls early polls, it suggests that he thinks Korean fears are peaking. If he delays, and exploits these fears by pushing constitutional revisions through the Diet (our base case), then he may provoke a North Korean response, given that the revisions pave the way for Japan to "re-militarize." November 1 - APEC and Trump's visit to China: Trump is supposed to head to Vietnam for the APEC summit and to China to visit President Xi Jinping. Xi has recently shown his sensitivity to such summits by concluding the Doklam dispute with India just days ahead of the BRICS summit in Xiamen, China in order to ensure that Indian President Narendra Modi would attend. Xi may have also wanted to advertise his ability to negotiate solutions to international showdowns for the world (and U.S.) to see. Thus, progress on North Korea before or after Trump's arrival could improve Xi's authority both with Trump and the rest of the world. November 23 - U.S. Thanksgiving: North Korea likes to be "cute," so we cannot rule out attempts to unsettle the Americans on Thanksgiving or Christmas Day, as with the July 4 ICBM launch. Trump's visit is very consequential and it is more likely under the circumstances that China will receive him warmly, like Nixon, rather than coldly, like Obama last year. Trump is holding serious trade negotiations (via Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross) and at the same time threatening to sanction Chinese companies and imports (via Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin). There are many reasons for Beijing to cooperate on North Korea in order to get advantageous treatment on the economic front. Bottom Line: The market is already discounting North Korea. We may be wrong temporarily if the North ups the ante yet again, but we are very near the peak of the latest round of tensions. The North is running out of options short of instigating a fight it would lose, while China is enforcing sanctions more seriously (including fuel), and Washington has apparently opened direct talks with Pyongyang. We will maintain our portfolio hedge of Swiss bonds and gold, for now. We are also re-opening our long CBOE China ETF volatility index to account for potential rising political uncertainty surrounding the coming October Party Congress and possibly for further North Korea related risks. However, we are closing our short KRW / THB trade for a gain of 5.33%. Europe: More Red Herrings Brexit is no longer market-relevant. Its economic effect was fully priced in when Prime Minister Theresa May announced on January 17 that the U.K. would not seek membership in the Common Market. Since then, the pound has effectively bottomed against both the dollar and the euro, as we argued it would (Chart 15).13 This does not mean that investors should necessarily go long the pound. Rather, we are pointing out that the moves in the U.K. currency have ceased to be Brexit-related since we called its bottom in January. Going forward, investors should make bets on the pound based on macroeconomic fundamentals, not on the U.K.-EU negotiations. The one political risk to the pound going forward is the potential for the Labour Party, headed by opposition leader Jeremy Corbyn, to come to power in the U.K. in the near term. Corbyn is the most left-of-center leader of a developed world economy since French president François Mitterrand in 1981. And he symbolizes a leftward shift on economic policy by the median voter. Nevertheless, the risks to PM May are overstated, for now. A key test for the Prime Minister, the EU (Withdrawal) Bill, passed its first parliamentary hurdle in Westminster on September 12. No Conservatives rebelled, with seven Labour politicians defying Corbyn's instructions to vote against the bill. The bill still faces several days of amendments, but it largely gives May a free hand to negotiate with Europe going forward. Bremain-leaning Tory backbenchers could have posed problems for May had they decided to obstruct the bill. That they did not tells us that nobody wants to challenge May and that she will likely remain the prime minister until the eventual deal with the EU is reached. Our clients often balk at our dismissal of Brexit as an investment-relevant geopolitical event. However, the crucial question post-Brexit was whether any other EU member states would follow the U.K. out of the bloc. We answered this question in the negative, with high conviction, the day of the U.K. referendum.14 Not only did no country follow U.K.'s lead, but the effect of Brexit was in fact the exact opposite of the conventional wisdom, with a slew of defeats for populists around Europe following the referendum. For the U.K. economy and assets, the key two Brexit-related questions were whether the economy's service sector would have unfettered access to the European market via membership in the Common Market (Chart 16); and whether the labor market would have access to the European labor pool (Chart 17). Both questions were answered by May during her January 17 speech in the negative, which is why we continue to cite that moment as the date when U.K. assets fully priced in Brexit. Chart 15Is Brexit##br## Still Relevant? Chart 16U.K. Needs A Free Services Agreement##br## With The EU, Not An FTA! Chart 17Intra-EU Migration Boosts ##br##Labor Force Growth What could change our forecast? We would need to see the negotiations with Europe become a lot more acrimonious. Disputes over the amount of the "exit bill" or the status of the Irish border simply do not count as acrimony. We need to see the threat of a "Brexit cliff" - where the EU-U.K. trade relationship reverts to "WTO rules" - emerge due to a conflict between the two powers. However, this is unlikely to happen as the EU greatly values its trade relationship with the U.K. And London's demand for an FTA actually plays to the EU's strengths, since FTAs normally privilege trade in goods (where Europe is competitive) relative to trade in services (where the U.K. has an advantage). Bear in mind, as well, that the U.K. and EU are negotiating an FTA from a starting point of a high degree of economic integration: this is not the equivalent of two separate economies pursuing an FTA for the first time. Similarly overstated as a risk is the upcoming Catalan independence referendum. As we argued this February, the referendum is a non-event.15 Catalans do not want independence, but rather a renegotiation of the region's relationship with Spain (Chart 18). And as we argued in our net assessment of the issue in 2014, a surge in internal migration since the Second World War has diluted the Catalan share of the total population.16 In fact, only 31% of the population identifies Catalan as their "first language," compared with 55% who identify with Spanish.17 Another 10% identify non-Iberian languages as their first language, suggesting that migrants will further dilute support for sovereignty, as they have done in other places (most recently: Quebec). Chart 18Catalans Do Not Want Independence We expect the turnout of the upcoming referendum to be low. Given that Madrid will not recognize it, the only way for the Catalan referendum to be relevant is if the nationalist government is willing to enforce sovereignty. What does that mean precisely? The globally recognized definition of sovereignty is the "monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force within a defined territory." To put it bluntly: the Catalan government has to be willing to take up arms in order for its referendum to be relevant to the markets. Without recognition from Spain, and with no support for independence from fellow EU and NATO peers, Catalonia cannot win independence at the ballot box. Bottom Line: Fade Brexit and Catalonia risks. Iraq: An Emergent Risk In 2014, we wrote the following about the future of Iraq:18 "Furthermore, the recent Kurdish occupation of Kirkuk - nominally to secure it from ISIS, in reality to (re)claim it for the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) - will not be acceptable to Baghdad. In our conversations with clients, too much optimism exists over the stability of Kurdistan and its expected oil output. While we are broadly positive on the KRG, there are many challenges. First, three-quarters of Iraqi production is, in fact, located in the Southern part of the country, far from Iraqi Kurdistan. Second, Kirkuk and its associated geography has the potential to boost production, but the Kurds (and their ally Turkey) will eventually have to face-off against Baghdad (and its ally Iran) for control over this territory. Just because the KRG secured Kirkuk today does not mean that it will stay in their control in the future. We are fairly certain that once ISIS is defeated, Baghdad will ask for Kirkuk back." In 2016, we followed up again on the situation in Iraq by pointing out that a series of defeats for the Islamic State were raising the probability that a reckoning was coming between Baghdad and Iraqi Kurds.19 Now that the Islamic State threat is in the rear-view mirror, our forecast is coming to fruition. On September 25, Kurds in Iraq will hold an independence referendum. Opposition to the referendum is uniform across the region, with the U.S. - Kurds' strongest ally - requesting that it not take place. Why should investors care? First, there is the issue of oil production. There are no reliable figures regarding KRG production, but it is thought to be around 550,000 bpd, although KRG officials have themselves downplayed their production. This figure includes production from the Kurdish-controlled Bai Hassan and Avana fields in the Kirkuk province, which is not formally part of the KRG territory but which Kurds nominally control due to their 2014 anti-ISIS intervention. A conflict over Kurdish independence could impact this production, particularly if war breaks out over Kirkuk. However, the bigger risk to global oil supply is what it would do to future efforts to boost Iraqi production. Iraq is the last major oil play on the planet that can cheaply and easily, with 1920s technologies, access significant new production. If a major war breaks out in the country, it is difficult to see how Iraq would sustain the necessary FDI inflows to develop its fields to boost production, even if the majority of production is far from the Kurdish region. Given steady global oil demand, the world is counting on Iraq to fill the gap with cheap oil. If it cannot, higher oil prices will have to incentivize tight-oil and off-shore production. Second, there are problematic regional dynamics. There are about six million Kurds in Iraq, about 20% of the total population. The Kurdish Regional Government controls the northeast corner of Iraq, but fighting against the Islamic State has allowed the Kurds to extend their control further south and almost double their territory (Map 1). Turkey has largely supported the KRG over the years, as the ruling party in the autonomous province is relatively hostile to the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), which Turkey considers a terrorist organization. However, Turkey is opposed to the independence of the KRG due to fears that it would start the ball rolling on the independence of Kurds in Syria and potentially one day in Turkey as well. Also opposed to KRG secession are Iran (Baghdad's closest ally) and Syria (which is dealing with its own Kurdish question). Map 1Kurdish Gains Threaten Conflicts With Iraqi Government ... And Turkey On the other hand, the KRG does have international support. Russia just recently concluded a major oil deal with KRG, promising to buy Kurdish oil and refine it in Germany. Moscow will also invest US $3 billion in KRG territory. Russia also supplied the KRG Peshmerga - armed forces - with weapons during their fight against the Islamic State. From Russia's perspective, any conflict in the Middle East is a boon. It stalls investment in the region, curbs its oil production, and potentially adds a risk premium to oil prices. In addition, a close alliance with the KRG would allow Russia to gain another ally in the region. Bottom Line: While it is difficult to see how the independence referendum will play out in the short term, we have had a high-conviction view that Iraq's stability will not improve with the fall of the Islamic State. For investors, rising tensions in Iraq are significant because they could curb investment in the long term and potentially even impact production in the short term. Unlike the Islamic State, which never threatened oil production in the Middle East in any significant way, Iraq and the KRG are both oil producers. In fact, their main conflict is over an oil-producing region centered on Kirkuk. Tensions in the region support BCA Commodity & Energy Strategy's bullish view on oil prices.20 Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Associate Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Robert Robis, Senior Vice President Global Fixed Income Strategy rrobis@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Buy In May And Enjoy Your Day!" dated April 26, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "North Korea: Beyond Satire," dated April 19, 2017; "North Korea: No Longer A Red Herring" in BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Donald Trump Is Who We Thought He Was," dated March 8, 2017; and "North Korea: A Red Herring No More?" in BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Partem Mirabilis," dated April 13, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Can Pyongyang Derail The Bull Market?" dated August 16, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see BCA Global Fixed Income Strategy Weekly Report, "Have Bond Yields Peaked For The Cycle? No," dated September 12, 2017, available at gfis.bcaresearch.com. 5 BCA Global Fixed Income Strategy 10-year Treasury yield model only uses the global manufacturing PMI and sentiment towards the U.S. dollar as inputs. 6 Please see BCA Global Fixed Income Strategy Weekly Report, "The Global Duration 'Hot Potato' Shifts Back To The U.S.," dated August 8, 2017, available at gfis.bcaresearch.com. 7 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Is The 'Trump Put' Over?" dated August 23, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 8 We use the Cook Political Report for their assessment of how U.S. electoral districts lean. Charlie Cook is Washington's foremost election handicapper with a long record of accomplishment. Anyone interested in closely following the U.S. midterm elections should consider his research, which is found on http://www.cookpolitical.com/ 9 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Reconciliation And The Markets - Warning: This Report May Put You To Sleep," dated May 31, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 10 Please see Joseph A. Pechman, "Tax Reform: Theory and Practice," The Journal of Economic Perspectives 1:1 (1987), pp. 11-28 (15). 11 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Constraints And Preferences Of The Trump Presidency," dated November 30, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 12 Please see footnote 3 above. 13 The GBP/USD bottomed then and there. The GBP/EUR has recently hit a new low, for reasons other than Brexit. This bottom is only slightly below its previous lows in October 2016, when May confirmed that her government would seek to leave the EU in accordance with the referendum result, and in January 2017, when May admitted what the GBP/EUR had already reflected, that this meant leaving the Common Market. Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "The 'What Can You Do For Me' World," dated January 25, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 14 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "After BREXIT, N-EXIT?" dated July 13, 2016, and Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The Coming EXITentialist Crisis," dated June 24, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 15 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Climbing The Wall Of Worry In Europe," dated February 15, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 16 Please see Geopolitical Strategy and European Investment Strategy Special Report, "Secession In Europe: Scotland And Catalonia," dated May 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 17 Please see "Language Use of the Population of Catalonia," Generalitat de Catalunya Institut d'Estadustuca de Catalunya, dated 2013, available at web.gencat.cat 18 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Middle East: Paradigm Shift (Update)," dated July 9, 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 19 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Scared Yet? Five Black Swans For 2016," dated February 10, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 20 Please see BCA Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report, "Hurricane Recovery Obscures OPEC 2.0's Forward Guidance," dated September 14, 2017, available at ces.bcaresearch.com.
Highlights U.S. product inventories - particularly gasoline and distillates - will show sharp declines over the balance of September, as refining capacity continues to trail demand in the wake of Hurricane Harvey. U.S. crude inventories will accumulate as refineries slowly come back on line. This will keep the Brent vs. WTI spreads and crack spreads elevated, as refiners outside the U.S. Gulf scramble for crude (Chart of the Week).1 Global product storage facilities will be drained to more normal levels responding to this imbalance. It is understandable that the significance of the increased frequency of messaging from OPEC 2.0's leadership re its willingness to extend production cuts beyond March 2018 would be secondary to hurricane recovery. Nonetheless, we advise investors to stay focused on OPEC 2.0's evolution, particularly next year, as it develops a modus operandi for providing forward guidance to markets and investors. Energy: Overweight. Brent futures are backwardated to January 2018, reflecting a tight market as refiners, particularly in Europe, scramble for barrels to meet U.S. and Latin American product demand. We remain long Brent and WTI $50/bbl vs. $55/bbl call spreads in Dec/17, which are up 183.8% and 30.2%, respectively, since inception. Base Metals: Neutral. Our tactical COMEX copper short initiated last week is up 3.4%. Precious Metals: Neutral. The Dec/17 COMEX Gold contract gapped lower earlier in the week, as a strengthening USD, and a 15 - 0 vote Monday by the UN Security Council to adopt sanctions proposed by the U.S. against N. Korea took some of the luster off the metal. Our long strategic portfolio hedge is up 8.0% since it was initiated May 4, 2017. Ags/Softs: Underweight. Grains appear to be finding support around current levels. We are bearish, but do not advise shorting the complex, especially with erratic weather as a backdrop. Feature Chart of the WeekBrent - WTI Spread,##BR##Cracks Reflect Refining Scramble The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) and Russia, the putative leaders of what we've dubbed OPEC 2.0, are taking every opportunity to signal their willingness to consider an extension of their production-cutting agreement beyond March 2018, when it is scheduled to expire.2 We believe this to be part and parcel of an evolving forward guidance strategy, which KSA and Russia will deploy to signal their production intentions over the near term. This is consistent with our view such a strategy is necessary to keep the producer coalition durable, and to work out an even larger plan to begin messaging firms and institutions allocating capital to oil and natural gas markets globally. This is critical for KSA, which will be looking to IPO Saudi ARAMCO next year, and Russia, which is preparing for elections in March and still relies heavily on hydrocarbon exports to fund its government.3 The last thing either needs is out-of-control oil production tanking the market, as it almost did at the beginning of 2016. Other members of the OPEC 2.0 coalition seeking foreign direct investment (FDI) - e.g., Gulf Arab producers and non-OPEC states like Mexico and Kazakhstan - benefit from an oil-production-management framework as well. The significance of OPEC 2.0's emerging forward guidance strategy could be lost amid the devastation of hurricanes Harvey and Irma, which is understandable. But it will be critical to understanding the coalition's strategy regarding how it intends to manage its own production, now that U.S. shale is the marginal barrel in the world, even after Hurricane Harvey disrupted production and refining in Texas, and U.S. crude and product exports from the Gulf. Thus far, OPEC 2.0 continues to deliver on its production cuts, and global demand - which we expect will dip by less than 1mm b/d over the next few weeks due to the hurricanes - remains strong. In a month or two, we expect hurricane recovery efforts will restore lost refining capacity and product demand. As rebuilding goes into high gear, we expect product demand to get a significant boost. OPEC 2.0 Maintains Discipline We will be updating our oil supply/demand balances next week, but so far it appears KSA and Russia are honoring their commitments to restrain production. This allows them to maintain credibility with their respective OPEC and non-OPEC allies within OPEC 2.0, and with the market in general (Chart 2). KSA, in particular, has led the way among OPEC members of the coalition, according to a tally done by S&P Global's Platts, which put KSA's average crude oil production over the January - August 2017 period at 9.97mm b/d vs. its quota of 10.06mm b/d. This is up slightly over the 9.93mm b/d average production for January - June 2017 reported by JODI. KSA's August production reported in the September OPEC Monthly Oil Market Report was 9.95mm b/d. For the January - August 2017 period, Russia's total crude and liquids production averaged 11.22mm b/d, according to U.S. EIA estimates. For the May - August period, it averaged 11.16mm b/d, putting total output 300k b/d below its October 2016 level, against which OPEC 2.0 benchmarks. Russia committed to reducing output by 300k b/d under the OPEC 2.0 Agreement as part of an overall effort to remove 1.8mm b/d of production from the market to end-March 2018. Russia's crude oil production averaged 10.38mm b/d over the January - June 2017 period, according to JODI data, vs. an October level of 10.51mm b/d. For 2Q17, Russia's average production reported to JODI was 10.31mm b/d, or 200k b/d below its Oct/16 output. Overall OPEC compliance of members with quotas was 112% of agreed volumes last month, meaning OPEC members with quotas under the OPEC 2.0 Agreement are producing 630k b/d below agreed volumes, according to Platts.4 Seven of the OPEC states still covered by the Agreement are producing below quota. Iraq leads in over-production at 4.46mm b/d on average in the January - August period, or 82k b/d over quota. Overall, however, production discipline is holding (Chart 3, panel 2). Chart 2KSA, Russia Leading##BR##OPEC 2.0 By Example Chart 3Production Discipline, Strong Demand##BR##Will Continue To Support Prices Bottom Line: OPEC 2.0's forward guidance to markets, firms and institutions allocating capital in the energy sector has featured frequent re-statements of the coalition's leaders' willingness to extend their production cuts if inventories have not drawn sufficiently by March 2018, when their Agreement is due to expire. We believe this reflects the desire of OPEC 2.0's leadership to maintain the coalition as a long-term production-coordinating body. This will allow the major oil producing nations to communicate production plans and allay investor fears of out-of-control production in the future. Global Demand Will Remain Strong We have noted repeatedly global economic growth has been firing on all cylinders, which will keep global oil demand robust for at least the balance of 2017, and likely into 2018 (Chart 3, panel 3). This is particularly evident in global trade data, which we also will be updating next week.5 Global economic data continue to support this thesis: All 46 countries monitored by the OECD are on track to grow this year, the first time this has happened since 2007, according to BCA's Global Investment Strategy (GIS).6 In addition, BCA's Global Investment Strategy notes U.S. growth projections have been broadly stable, but these likely will be revised higher. The easing in U.S. financial conditions since the start of the year should boost real GDP growth over the next few quarters, which, along with the expected boost to product demand coming on the back of hurricane-recovery efforts, will continue to be bullish for refined product demand. Global Product Inventory Draws Will Accelerate OPEC 2.0's efforts to draw global inventories - particularly in the OECD - received an unexpected assist from hurricanes Harvey and Irma. We expect the trend of drawdowns seen over the past few months to accelerate (Chart 4). This will return global product inventories to more normal levels, and, with crude oil inventories accumulating, favor refiners as they scramble to meet demand. Our colleagues at BCA's Energy Sector Strategy upgraded U.S. refiners last week to overweight in line with their view Harvey has the "potential to finally normalize bloated refined product inventories. Over two weeks since the hurricane made landfall, the industry still has 1.0 MMb/d of refining capacity shut down (5 refineries), 2.15 MMb/d of capacity not operating but working on restarting operations (6 refineries), and 1.4 MMb/d of capacity operating below full capacity (5 refineries). Over the past 16 days, at least 55 million barrels of refined product have not been generated, which will result in increased crude inventories and shrinking refined product inventories, benefitting refiners" (Chart 5).7 Chart 4OECD Oil Inventory Declines Will Accelerate Chart 5Refinery Outages From Harvey Persist Over the short term, Brent crude - and related streams pricing off Brent - and products will remain bid, keeping refiner crack spreads elevated, as operations return to normal, and Florida emerges from the economic damage and dislocations caused by Irma. Typically, product demand falls immediately after severe storms, and recovers as rebuilding begins and progresses. We will be updating our balances model next week to reflect the effects of hurricanes and the continued indications of strong global growth. Bottom Line: Demand for refined products will dip slightly - likely less than 1% of global demand - as hurricane-ravaged markets recover. As rebuilding progresses, product demand likely will be boosted. This will drain OECD product inventories in the short term, providing an unexpected assist to OPEC 2.0's efforts to bring global stocks down to five-year average levels. This evolution will favor refiners, as well. OPEC 2.0's forward guidance to markets continues to evolve. In recent weeks, it has featured frequent re-statements of the coalition's leaders' willingness to extend their production cuts if inventories have not drawn sufficiently by March 2018. We believe this messaging is designed to allay fears of another production-free-for-all of the sort that threatened to take global benchmark crude oil prices below $20/bbl last year. It is too early to expect OPEC 2.0 will replace the original OPEC Cartel. But, we believe KSA and Russia are signaling their common desire to make OPEC 2.0 a durable feature of budgeting and investment considerations over the medium term. Actions speak louder than words, in this regard. Robert P. Ryan, Senior Vice President Commodity & Energy Strategy rryan@bcaresearch.com 1 A "crack spread" refers to the difference in refined-product prices and crude oil prices. It takes its name from the "cracking" long-chain hydrocarbon bonds in crude oil required to produce refined products like gasoline and diesel fuel. The Brent - WTI spread is the price difference in USD/barrel ($/bbl) between the global benchmark crudes. 2 Please see, for example, "Saudi Arabia Says It's Open to Another OPEC Cuts Extension," updated on bloomberg.com September 11, 2017; "Saudi, UAE agree extension of oil cuts may be considered - statement," published on the same day on reuters.com's U.K. service; and "Russia's Novak says to consider extension of oil cut deal if glut persists" published on reuters.com September 6, 20107. We have repeated noted markets are looking for OPEC 2.0 to provide forward guidance, if the principals to the deal intend to maintain a durable coalition. Please see, e.g., "KSA's Tactics Advance OPEC 2.0's Agenda," published by BCA Research's Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report August 10, 2017, and available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 3 The U.S. CIA estimates Russia exported 5.1mm b/d of crude oil in 2016, roughly half of crude production. This squares with exports reported by the Joint Organizations Data Initiative (JODI), a transnational agency headquartered in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. Last year, Russia also exported 223 billion cubic meters of natural gas. KSA exported 7.65mm b/d of crude oil last year, according to JODI, or close to 75% of KSA's production. 4 Please see S&P Global Platts OPEC Guide published September 7, 2017, online. 5 Please see BCA Research's Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report "Trade And Commodity Data Point To Higher Inflation," published on July 27, 2017. It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see BCA Research's Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report "Central Bank Showdown," published on September 8, 2017. It is available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 7 Please see BCA Research's Energy Sector Strategy Weekly Report "Rebalancing Recommendations," published on September 13, 2017. It is available at nrg.bcaresearch.com. Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Trades Closed in 2017 Summary of Trades Closed in 2016
Highlights The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) is taking a well-timed tactical decision to make room for increased Libyan and Nigerian output, by reducing allocations to refiners by more than 500k b/d in September. The bulk of these reductions will be directed at U.S. refiners, which are running their units at close to record output, while reducing their crude imports and boosting product exports. This will keep the year-on-year (yoy) reductions in OECD commercial oil stocks now showing up in the data on track, driven by continued sharp draws in U.S. inventories. Most importantly, these reductions will occur in the highly visible, high-frequency data produced by the U.S. every week. Energy: Overweight. Reports of foreign workers being pulled from Venezuelan oil fields will keep markets on edge. We remain long Dec/17 $50/bbl calls and short $55/bbl calls in Brent and WTI, which are up 127% and 74% since inception on June 22 and June 15, respectively. Base Metals: Neutral. Aluminum rallied on the back of news reports China's Shandong province ordered more than 3.2mm MT/yr of capacity shuttered by end-July. While surprising, such actions are not inconsistent with the stricter enforcement of environmental regulations in China we expect going forward. Precious Metals: Neutral. We remain long gold as a strategic portfolio hedge. Recent geopolitical tensions between the U.S. and North Korea are supporting this position, which is up 2.1% since inception on May 4, 2017. Ags/Softs: Underweight. Grains were treading water ahead of today's WASDE. We remain bearish, but continue to avoid shorting the complex. Feature Chart of the WeekU.S. Refiners Running At Close To Record Rates KSA's decision to reduce crude oil allocations to refiners in September, particularly in the U.S., is a well-timed tactical move.1 U.S. refinery net crude inputs hit record levels in early June at 17.3mm b/d, and remain close to that level (Chart of the Week). U.S. product exports continue at near-record levels, while imports have been trending lower (Chart 2). Crude oil exports from the U.S. are running close to record levels, and imports are trending lower (Chart 3). U.S. exports of crude and products hit a record in January at 5.9mm b/d - 5.24mm b/d of products, and just under 650k b/d for crude exports. At the end of July, total exports of crude and products stood at 5.44mm b/d, or 7.4% below the record set in January. U.S. product exports fell to 4.6mm b/d, while crude exports stood at 845k b/d. It is worthwhile pointing out that, in terms of total oil and products exports, the U.S. ranks among the top exporters in the world: KSA exports ~ 7mm b/d of crude, while Russia exports ~ 5mm b/d of crude. Chart 2U.S. Product Export Remain Strong,##BR##While Imports Continue Trending Lower ... Chart 3... While U.S. Crude Exports Remain High,##BR##And Imports Are Moderating With net U.S. crude and product imports declining (Chart 4), we expect U.S. commercial oil inventories - crude and products - to continue to draw sharply, which, since they account for close to 45% of OECD inventories, will draw down total DM stock levels as well (Chart 5). Indeed, U.S. commercial inventories drew close to 4% yoy in July, based on EIA historical data, the second month in a row the yoy comparisons came in negative in America. For the OECD as a whole, July marked the first month this year that the yoy percent change in stock levels was negative (-1.8%). Thus, as the summer driving season - and peak refiner crude demand - reaches its denouement next month, KSA's well-timed move to reduce shipments to U.S. refiners will push inventories lower and advance OPEC 2.0's agenda to clear out surplus OECD commercial oil inventories over the short term (Chart 6). Chart 4U.S. Net Crude And##BR##Product Imports Are Falling ... Chart 5... Which Will Support Continued Draws In##BR##Commercial Oil Stocks (Crude And Products) Chart 6KSA Will Continue Reducing##BR##Shipments To U.S. Refiners The OPEC 2.0 Agreement Is Holding ... On Average ... KSA is following through on Energy Minister Khalid al-Falih's "whatever it takes" assertion and making room for Libya and Nigeria, which together have added some 750k b/d of production to the market vs. April's level - 470k b/d for Libya and 280k b/d for Nigeria. April happens to be the month during which OPEC's producers recorded their largest production cuts vs. October's levels (1.12mm b/d), based on the EIA's historical tallies. OPEC 2.0 benchmarks to October 2016 production levels. Among OPEC members, neither Libya nor Nigeria were bound by the historic OPEC 2.0 Production Agreement. However, for those states that did obligate themselves to the agreement, compliance has been fairly high on average. OPEC member states that are party to the 2.0 deal have overproduced relative to their agreed production volumes by some 20k b/d over the January - July period on average.2 So, relative to the deal the OPEC members agreed, they've managed to cut 800k b/d of crude production on average versus their October 2016 production levels.3 During this period, Iraq stands out for its overproduction, having pumped 100k b/d on average over its agreed OPEC 2.0 volume of 4.35mm b/d (Chart 7). Among the non-OPEC members of the OPEC 2.0 coalition, Russia's compliance appears to be holding up, at close to 300k b/d below its October levels of crude and liquids production in 2Q17 and July (Chart 8). Oman produced ~ 980k b/d, over the first seven months of the deal vs. 1.02mm b/d in October, while Kazakhstan has faltered, with production averaging 1.88mm b/d in Jan - July, versus 1.79mm b/d in October. Chart 7Iraq Stands Out For Overproduction;##BR##Libya, Nigeria Not Covered In OPEC 2.0 Deal Chart 8Russia And KSA##BR##Continue To Lead OPEC 2.0 ... But Markets Await Articulated Strategy We continue to expect compliance with the OPEC 2.0 deal to remain relatively high to March 2018, which will draw OECD storage down to five-year average levels. We also are maintaining our expectation Brent prices will trade to $60/bbl by year end, with WTI trading ~ $58/bbl. Nonetheless, when we update our balances this month, we will continue to model for "compliance fatigue" among the OPEC 2.0 coalition. The fact that KSA and Russia are able to keep their rapport strong and compliance levels among OPEC and non-OPEC states relatively high, is a necessary condition for keeping OPEC 2.0 a viable coalition. However, the sufficient condition remains articulating a position on managing production via OPEC 2.0 that all these states can buy into, and support with concrete action. If, once the deal expires, the parties to the OPEC 2.0 coalition are left to go their own way and resume a production free-for-all, prices almost surely will fall, as the battle for market share is resumed. The ironic outcome of all this likely would be further destruction of capex budgets, which will set up another violent price surge that kills demand. We have no doubt the principal negotiators in OPEC 2.0 continue to discuss this, and that they are working on guidance. Bottom Line: KSA's tactical move to reduce exports to the U.S. likely will accelerate the commercial oil storage drawdown now apparent in OECD inventories, if current U.S. trends hold up - i.e., refinery runs remain high, exports of crude and products remain strong, and imports continue to fall yoy. Strategically, OPEC 2.0 still needs to convince markets there is a longer-term game plan for managing its output, short of a production free-for-all. Robert P. Ryan, Senior Vice President Commodity & Energy Strategy rryan@bcaresearch.com 1 This tactical move was reported by Reuters earlier this week. Please see "Saudi Arabia cuts crude oil allocations in September by more than its OPEC pledge," which was published by reuters.com August 8, 2017. 2 We are using the production levels specified by the Cartel in its "OPEC Bulletin 11 - 12/16" on p. 35. 3 This likely overstates the actual production available for export by KSA, since the Kingdom typically consumes some 500 - 600k b/d of crude domestically over the June - September period as direct-burn fuel to power generation producing electricity for air conditioners. So the reported data likely are noisy at this time of year. Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Trades Closed in 2017 Summary of Trades Closed in 2016
Highlights Reduced demand in oil-exporting countries and higher supplies from distressed states is whittling down the amount of oil being removed from the market this year, based on our latest supply-demand balances. As a result, even though OECD inventories will be drawn down to their five-year average levels by year end, this average will be a higher end-point than we projected last month. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) continues to reassure markets through anonymous media leaks it will cut production further to accommodate higher Libyan and Nigerian production. This is not unexpected, but it still is speculative. Ecuador's opting out of OPEC 2.0's production cuts raises the odds other financially distressed non-Gulf producers also will head for the exits. Energy: Overweight. Crude oil prices remain supported by actual production cuts, and the promise of further reductions by KSA and possibly other OPEC 2.0 members. Base Metals: Neutral. Labor and management at the ZaldÃvar copper mine in Chile are negotiating, according to Metal Bulletin. Separately, a three-year deal was agreed at the Centinela copper mine in Chile last week. Precious Metals: Neutral. Gold rallied on the back of lower inflation readings in the U.S., which suggested the Fed will back off aggressively pursuing its rates normalization policy. This would leave real rates low. Our strategic long portfolio hedge is up 1.0% since it was initiated May 4, 2017. Ags/Softs: Underweight. We maintain our bearish view on grains. Fears that extreme heat in the U.S. Midwest and Plains will not be sufficient to counter the still-high ending-stocks expectations published in the USDA's WASDE last week. Feature Higher oil production is seeping into global balances. Lower prices, which are stimulating demand in oil-importing markets, are reducing incomes and demand in oil-exporting provinces. As a result, the rate at which inventories will draw this year is slowing. Our latest supply - demand balances shown in Table 1 indicate the net 900k b/d physical deficit we expected for 2017 has been whittled down to just under 500k b/d, as a result of production increases in Libya and Nigeria, and slower demand growth in oil exporters generally (Chart of the Week). Table 1BCA Global Oil Supply -##BR##Demand Balances (mm b/d) Chart of the WeekHigher Production And Lower Demand Reduce##BR##Physical Deficits Versus Last Month's Projections Ecuador, a small-ish OPEC member producing about 550k b/d, opted out of the Agreement negotiated by KSA and Russia to remove some 1.8mm b/d of production from the markets. This indicates weaker states that are party to the OPEC 2.0 Agreement are finding it impossible to maintain compliance with the cuts they've obliged themselves to undertake in the face of lower oil prices. As a result, they are compelled to increase production in an attempt to recover lost revenue (R), by increasing their quantity (Q) sold when prices (P) are weak, so as to maximize P*Q = R while they can. This only works if they are alone in increasing production while others - notably KSA, other Gulf states and Russia - restrict output to revive prices. Otherwise, if all the distressed states in the OPEC 2.0 coalition took the same action, markets would be flooded with oil. This was demonstrated in the mid-1980s during KSA's netback-pricing regime, when the Kingdom priced its oil as a function of prices received by refiners. This collapsed prices, and, eventually, reined in free-riding on KSA's production cuts.1 While few of these states, mostly outside the Gulf, are capable of significantly increasing production, at the margin, they can have an impact. Production Increases In OPEC, U.S. Partly Counter OPEC 2.0's Best Efforts Year-to-date to June, Iran and Libya have added 110k and 140k b/d of production to the market vs. their respective Oct/16 benchmark levels of 3.7mm and 550k b/d against which the OPEC 2.0 deal is being assessed. June production for these states was up 120k and 300k b/d for Iran and Libya, respectively, vs. October levels, while Nigeria's output was up 90k b/d (Chart 2). Libya and Nigeria are not parties to the OPEC 2.0 deal. Nonetheless, these states together with Iran added close to 500k b/d vs. their Oct/16 output levels in June, without an offsetting decline from members of the OPEC 2.0 coalition. Gulf OPEC ex Iran production is down some 850k b/d on average at 24.6mm b/d in 1H17 vs. Oct/16 levels, while non-Gulf OPEC production is down 215k b/d at 7.5mm b/d. We still see OPEC 2.0's production significantly below the EIA's estimate to March 2018 (Chart 3), which drives our view of inventory behavior. U.S. production also was higher in 1H17, as WTI prices rallied in response to the OPEC 2.0 production-cutting deal (Chart 4). For 1H17, U.S. crude oil production was up 230k b/d vs. 4Q16 levels, at 9.04mm b/d, led by higher shale-oil output. Chart 2Almost 500k b/d Added To Oct/16 Output##BR##By Iran, Libya, And Nigeria In June Chart 3OPEC 2.0 Cuts Drive##BR##Inventory Draws Chart 4U.S. Crude Production##BR##Grows In 1H17 Slower Demand Growth Reduces Storage Draw On the demand side, we've lowered our estimate of demand growth this year to close to 1.37mm b/d, down nearly 110k b/d vs. our earlier May estimate. This results from lower consumption in oil exporting states. The combination of stronger supply growth and weaker demand growth reduces our estimated physical deficit for this year to 470k b/d from close to 900k b/d in our May balances estimates. These revised supply - demand estimates still produce enough of a physical deficit to allow storage to fall to five-year average levels (Chart 5). However, with the drawdowns prolonged by slower supply losses and reduced demand, inventories are now projected to remain above 2.8 billion bbls versus our earlier estimate of inventories declining to ~2.75 billion barrels by end-2017 or early 2018. Chart 5OECD Storage Draws To Five-Year Average Levels, But Higher Supply And Lower Demand Keep This Level Higher Chart 5OECD Storage Draws To Five-Year Average Levels, But Higher Supply And Lower Demand Keep This Level Higher Net, at the end of this drawdown, storage will be higher than expected, even if it does make it to five-year average levels. This will leave less room for OPEC 2.0 members to implement a strategy to backwardate the forward WTI curve so as to slow the rate at which shale-oil rigs return to the field, which we've discussed in previous research.2 More Cuts Required By OPEC 2.0 Going into its St. Petersburg meetings next week, there are clearly defined issues to be addressed by OPEC 2.0. The foregoing suggests additional cuts will be needed to empty storage sufficiently by yearend for OPEC 2.0 to be able to move to the next phase of its plan to regain some influence over the evolution of oil prices, particularly the U.S. benchmark WTI price, which drives hedging and profitability of U.S. shale producers. Over the short term, this effort likely will be clearly supported by KSA's stated intention to reduce exports to the U.S. market (Chart 6). All else equal, this will result in sharper draws in the high-frequency U.S. weekly inventory data, by augmenting reduced shipments to the U.S. from OPEC overall (Chart 7). Chart 6KSA's To Reduce##BR##Exports To The U.S. Chart 7OPEC Exports To The U.S. To Fall Further##BR##When KSA Reduces Shipments More substantive price-support and inventory-draining measures, as noted at the top of this article, will have to involve further production cuts by OPEC 2.0. KSA again is signaling it is open to additional production cuts, in order to normalize oil inventories.3 We have no doubt the Kingdom's Gulf allies - particularly Kuwait and the UAE - will support KSA in this effort. We also expect Russia to be supportive of this effort. The size of the cuts likely will exceed 500k b/d, so as to offset the production gains of Libya and Nigeria. Iran's higher production discussed herein, and Iraq's recent assertiveness in claiming "the right" to increase its production given the size of its reserves, suggests a short and a long game for the leadership of OPEC 2.0. In the short-term, Iran, Iraq, Libya and Nigeria will be constrained by lack of funds to significantly increase production. Thus, OPEC 2.0 - mostly KSA and its allies - can cut production without triggering an immediate response from these states, which will allow storage to resume drawing at a faster rate. For OPEC 2.0 to have a meaningful effect on U.S. shale production, the stronger storage draws in the near term would have to be accompanied by forward guidance from KSA, Russia and their allies that production will be increased in the medium term - 6 months or so out - so that continued demand growth can be accommodated by higher supplies. This would require storage and production flexibility by OPEC 2.0's leaders. Should all of this fall in place, we would expect a backwardation to develop toward yearend, which would be the first step in a longer-term strategy by OPEC 2.0 to slow the rate at which horizontal rigs return to drilling in the shale fields. Bottom Line: Higher oil production from Libya, Iran and Nigeria, coupled with a slight downgrade in demand growth, will reduce the physical deficit we expected this year. This will, all else equal, reduce the rate at which OECD storage draws, and raise the level of five-year average inventory levels by yearend. We do not believe this is a favorable outcome for OPEC 2.0, particularly KSA and Russia, if they are intent on regaining some influence over the evolution of oil prices. For this reason, we believe KSA and its Gulf Arab allies will reduce production further to put the inventory draws back on track. We remain long low-risk calls spreads in Dec/17 WTI and Brent - long $50/bbl strikes vs. short $55/bbl strikes - and will look for opportunities to gain upside exposure once we get clear signaling from OPEC 2.0 leadership. Robert P. Ryan, Senior Vice President Commodity & Energy Strategy rryan@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA's Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report "Sideshow In Vienna," published October 23, 2014, for a review of netback pricing by KSA. It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Research's Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Reports of April 6, 2017, entitled "The Game's Afoot In Oil, But Which One," and March 30, 2017, entitled "KSA's, Russia's End Game: Contain U.S. Shale Oil" for a discussion of this strategy. Both are available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see "Saudi Arabia still aims to reduce supply; weighs Nigerian, Libyan barrels," published by reuters.com on July 18, 2017. Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Trades Closed in 2017 Summary of Trades Closed in 2016