Sectors

Highlights Health care remains a top priority of the Democratic Party even though it is flying under the radar at the moment. Health care embodies the shift from small government to big government. While the 2021 budget reconciliation will hit Big Pharma and expand Medicaid, the 2022 reconciliation will seek a public health insurance option and Medicare role in price negotiations. If forced to choose between health care and climate change priorities, Democrats will choose health care. It is a bigger vote-winner. Stay short managed health care relative to the S&P 500. Go long health care facilities and equipment relative to the rest of the health sector. Feature The US Senate acquitted former President Donald Trump on a vote of 57-43 on February 13. No one was hanged.1 The trial was not economically or financially significant except insofar as it underscored peak US political polarization, US distraction from the global stage, and the extent of divisions within the Republican Party. Equity market volatility melted away as stocks surged higher on the generally positive backdrop of COVID vaccines and stimulus.   Seven Republicans joined Democrats in voting to convict the former president of “incitement to insurrection.” Trump’s performance was worse than Bill Clinton’s but better than Andrew Johnson’s, though neither Clinton nor Johnson saw defections from their own party (Chart 1). The Republicans’ internal differences are serious enough to hobble them in the 2022 or 2024 elections but it is too soon to draw any hard conclusions. The Democratic agenda is also capable of bringing Republicans back together. Meanwhile the maximum of seven Republican defectors shows that it will be extremely difficult for Democrats to get 10 Republicans to join them in passing any controversial legislation in the Senate (Table 1). Hence the filibuster will remain in jeopardy over the long run if not in the short run. Also, in 2022, the Democrats have a chance to pick up seats in Pennsylvania and North Carolina. Chart 1Trump’s Acquittal And Historic Impeachment Results Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Table 1The Seven Senate Republicans Who Defected From Trump Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Biden’s Agenda After The American Rescue Plan Democrats are plowing forward with the first of two budget reconciliation bills, which enables them to pass legislation with a simple majority in the Senate. They hope to pass President Biden’s $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan by mid-March, when unemployment benefits expire under the Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2020. The final sum might be a bit less than this headline number. The second budget reconciliation bill, for fiscal year 2022, will be passed in the autumn or next spring and will contain anywhere from $4 trillion to $8 trillion worth of additional spending on health care, child care, infrastructure, and green projects over a ten-year period (Chart 2). This number will be watered down in negotiation as the pandemic subsides and the aura of crisis dies down, reducing the willingness of moderate Democrats to vote for anything controversial. But investors should not doubt Biden’s agenda at this stage. If there is anything we know about the reconciliation process it is that the ruling party will get what it wants. Investors should plan accordingly: the output gap will be closed sooner than expected and inflationary pressures will build faster than expected, even though it will take a while for the labor market to heal. Chart 2Biden’s Agenda AFTER The American Rescue Plan Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy This policy combination of “loose fiscal, loose monetary” policy continues to drive stocks higher (and the dollar lower) despite the misgivings we noted about underrated geopolitical risks (Chart 3). A critical question is when the Fed will normalize monetary policy. This is not an apolitical question. Fed chair Jerome Powell’s term ends in February of 2022. He may contemplate tapering asset purchases prior to that date, causing troubles in the equity market, but actual tapering is more likely to occur in 2022, in the view of our US Bond Strategist Ryan Swift. Powell would only taper in 2022 if he is forced to do so by an ironclad policy consensus precipitated by robust inflation and possibly financial instability concerns. This timing gives President Biden an opportunity to nominate an ultra-dovish Fed chair. Rate hikes are entirely possible in 2022 but our political bias implies they are unlikely before 2023 (unless an ironclad consensus develops that they are necessary). Even in 2023, an ultra-dove will be reluctant to hike, depending on the context. And rate hikes are virtually off limits in 2024, at least until after the November election. This political timeline reinforces the view that the Fed will not be hiking anytime soon and investors should prepare for inflation risks to surprise to the upside over the coming years. Chart 3"Easy Fiscal, Easy Monetary" Policy Combination "Easy Fiscal, Easy Monetary" Policy Combination "Easy Fiscal, Easy Monetary" Policy Combination The Senate parliamentarian has not yet ruled whether a federal minimum wage hike to $15 per hour can be included in the bill. Biden has accepted it may be cut but his party will push it through if possible. Last week we found that a higher minimum wage would not have a dramatic macroeconomic impact. Still, wages will rise in the coming years due to the cumulative effect of the Democratic Party’s policies. Higher wages, taxes, and regulatory hurdles will cut into corporate profits. But the passage of a higher minimum wage today would not in itself be a negative catalyst for equities. Rather, we would expect the rally to take a breather once the first reconciliation bill is finished (next week or in the coming weeks), since it will bring wage hikes, rate hikes, and tax hikes more clearly into view on the investment horizon.  Unlike minimum wages, there is little controversy over whether budget reconciliation can be used to change the health care system. This was done in 2010 as the second critical part to President Barack Obama’s Affordable Care Act (Obamacare). Hence Biden is highly likely to get his health agenda passed, which is largely an agenda of entrenching and expanding Obamacare. That is, as long as he prioritizes health care above other structural reforms like climate change. We think he will. In the rest of this report we look at Biden’s health care policy and the implications for US financial markets. Biden’s Health Care Policy Health care has been a top priority of the Democrats since 1992 yet they have repeatedly lost control of the agenda due to surprise Republican victories in 2000 and 2016. Republicans expanded Medicare under Bush but then failed to repeal and replace Obamacare under Trump. Now Democrats have only the narrowest of majorities in the House and Senate and will push hard to solidify and build on Obamacare. There is a low chance that they will leave this issue unsettled under the Biden administration. If new obstacles arise, more political capital will be spent to secure health care reform at the expense of other policies on the agenda. COVID-19 reinforces the Democrats’ focus on health care. The US has seen around 1,500 deaths per million people, making it one of the worst performers amid the crisis, comparable to the UK and Italy (Chart 4). Yet COVID is only the latest in a line of US public health failings and it is important to put COVID into perspective. For example, among US adults aged 25-44 years old, all-cause excess mortality from March to July last year was about 11,899 more than expected. By contrast, during the same period in 2018, there were 10,347 unintentional deaths due to opioids (Chart 5).2 In other words, the COVID crisis last year was comparable to the opioid crisis in magnitude, at least for middle-aged people. Obviously COVID has taken a terrible toll and is a more deadly disease for the old and the sick. The point is that the public’s wrath over poor public health and the US government’s ineffectiveness is well established. A pandemic was foreseeable, and foreseen, yet not prepared for, and it came on top of the opioid crisis and the debate about 30 million Americans who lack health insurance. The Biden administration has the intention and the capability to address these issues. Chart 4US Handling Of COVID-19 Left Much To Be Desired Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy   Chart 5Opioid Crisis Versus COVID Crisis Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy  The structural problem is well-known: The US spends more than other countries on health care but achieves worse results (Charts 6A & 6B). When workers get fired they lose health care, as insurance is tied to employment. Those whose employers do not provide health care or who are unemployed count among the ranks of the roughly 30 million uninsured. This number has fallen from its peak at 47 million in 2010 when Obamacare was enacted but has crept upward again since Trump’s attempt to dismantle that law and the lockdowns of 2020 (Chart 7). This is a driver of popular discontent that has proven again and again to generate votes, including in key swing states. Chart 6AThe US Spends More On Health Care … Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Chart 6B… But Sees Worse Avoidable Mortality Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Chart 7Rising Number Of Uninsured Even Pre-COVID Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy A range of public opinion polling over many years shows that health care is a close second or third to the economy and jobs in voter priorities. Voters care more about COVID and health care than they do about climate change and the environment (Chart 8, first panel). Chart 8Public Opinion On Biden’s Priorities: Jobs, Health, Then Climate Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Another important takeaway from this opinion polling is that voters could not care less about budget deficits. Big spending solutions are all the rage (Chart 8, second panel). The Biden administration is prioritizing economic recovery and the pandemic response but will also pursue its health care reforms. If this policy requires a tradeoff with infrastructure and renewables, we would expect health care to get the greater attention.  Over the long run Obamacare can be replaced but not repealed. The law is getting more popular over time and entitlements get harder to repeal over time. Slightly more than half of voters have a favorable view of the law and only 34% have an unfavorable view. Only 29%of voters want to repeal or scale back the law while about 62% want to build on it or keep it as it is (Chart 9). Underscoring this polling is the fact that the law was modeled on a Republican plan and even Trump adopted several of the most popular provisions: requiring insurance coverage for patients with preexisting conditions and slapping caps on pharmaceutical prices through import and pricing schemes. The Supreme Court has ruled Obamacare constitutional and is not expected to change that ruling this spring. It could object to the individual mandate – the most controversial part of Obamacare that required each person to pay a tax penalty if they did not purchase health insurance. But if parts of the law are stricken, Democrats have the votes to patch it up or provide an alternative.  Chart 9Obamacare Has Grown On American Public Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Biden simultaneously shows that Democrats rejected the most popular alternative to Obamacare – “Medicare for All,” or single-payer government-provided health care – at least for the current presidential cycle. Medicare for All was co-sponsored by Vice President Kamala Harris and is still a long-term goal of the progressive wing of the Democratic Party. However, voters do not like the proposal when asked about its practical consequences (Chart 10). In the Democratic primary, only Senators Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren argued for wholesale revolution in US health care that would see private insurance cease to exist and 176 million voters moved onto a public health system. Sanders’s plan would have cost an estimated $31 trillion, increasing the budget deficit by $13 trillion over 10 years, and would have encouraged the overuse of medical services due to the absence of a co-pay or fixed cost. This idea will not vanish but the Biden administration’s likely success in expanding Obamacare will lead the party to focus on other things (e.g. climate change). Chart 10Insufficient Public Demand For Government-Provided Health Care (For Now) Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Biden’s big proposal is to add a public insurance option that would exist alongside current private insurance options. This idea was originally part of Obamacare but was removed during negotiations – precisely because the Democrats eschewed the use of budget reconciliation (again, not a constraint this time).3 The Biden plan is estimated to cost $2.25 trillion over 10 years and includes larger subsidies, the ability of workers to choose whether they want their employer-provided plan or the public option, automatic enrollment, a lower age of eligibility for Medicare (from 65 to 60), drug price caps, and various other provisions (Table 2). Table 2Biden’s Health Care Plan Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Medicare, a giant consumer, would be able to negotiate drug prices directly with companies to drive down the price. Tax hikes on high-income earners and capital gains would pay for Biden’s policy.  With public backing and full Democratic control of Congress, there is little that can stop Biden from achieving this health care policy, other than a change in direction from his party, which we do not expect. The first budget reconciliation only contains small parts of the Biden agenda, such as incentives for states to expand Medicaid under Obamacare and a reduction in Medicaid rebates for drug manufacturers.4 The second budget reconciliation process will have to cover health care and tax hikes. But the consensus view is that the second reconciliation will focus on infrastructure and green energy. This is a conflict of priorities that will have to be resolved. The research above suggests it will be resolved in favor of health care. This would leave the regular budget process as the means to advance infrastructure and green projects. Macro Impact Of Biden’s Health Care Policy The great health care debate over the past decade reflected the broad post-Cold War debate in the US over the role of government in the economy. It centered on whether government involvement should increase to expand health insurance coverage. Although private US health care spending accounts for 31% of total health care spending, and is thus larger than either Medicare (21%) or Medicaid (16%), the government has control of 44% of spending when all of its functions are added together. This share is set to increase now that the debate has been decided in favor of Big Government (at least for now). Future administrations might carve out more space for private choice and competition in health care but a permanent step-up in government involvement and regulation has occurred given the above points about Obamacare’s irrevocability. What are the macro consequences of such a change?   The imposition of Obamacare may have contributed to the sluggish economic recovery in the wake of the Great Recession but the case is hard to examine objectively because the tax penalties only took effect in 2015-16 and then a new administration ceased implementation in 2017. In 2015 the Congressional Budget Office estimated that repealing Obamacare would increase the budget deficit by $353 billion over a ten year period but that it would also increase GDP by an average of 0.7% per year during the latter end of full implementation, thus boosting revenues and producing a net $137 billion increase in the budget deficit over ten years.5 In other words, Obamacare marginally tightened fiscal policy and encouraged some workers to cut their hours or stop working due to expanded subsidies, tax credits, and Medicaid eligibility.6 Repealing it would have reduced the tax burden on corporations and reduced the subsidy benefits to households but possibly with a slight boost to growth (Chart 11). Going forward, Biden’s policies are adjustments rather than a total overhaul but they would ostensibly add $2.25 trillion in spending and $1.4 trillion in revenue, resulting in a negative impact on the budget deficit (fiscal loosening) of $850 billion. The implication is that Biden’s plan would increase rather than decrease aggregate demand, albeit marginally in an era of already gigantic deficits. It would also remove some labor supply and eventually drag on GDP growth. Yet the impact of these effects is still uncertain given the general context of loose fiscal and loose monetary policy, the reduction in the number of uninsured people, and the potentially positive second-order effects of this increase in the social safety net for low-income families with high marginal propensities to consume. The bottom line is that the macro effects of Biden’s health plan will not be known for many years but the headline effect in the short run is an incremental addition to an already extremely loose fiscal policy setting.  Chart 11Macro Effects Of Obamacare Repeal Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy The negative effects will largely fall on high-income earners, capital gains earners, and corporations who will provide the revenue to pay for the plan. The private health insurance industry faced an existential threat from the Sanders plan but it still faces a loss of customers and earnings from the Biden plan. The major difference between Obamacare and Bidencare is that Obamacare forced insurance companies to provide a basic insurance option to the public but did not offer a public option to compete with them. Therefore their customer base increased albeit at a lower profit. Whereas Biden’s plan will create a public competitor that will siphon off customers from private insurance. Biden proposed giving workers this choice anytime but in the presidential debates suggested there would be limits. Either way private insurers stand to lose customers over time. This is not a major political constraint given that Big Insurance gets little sympathy from the public but it will have a negative impact on innovation and productivity in the health sector. Meanwhile Medicare would reimburse hospitals, clinics, and drug providers less for their services and goods. This would weigh on the profitability of small and private medical outfits and favor large and public providers that receive government subsidies and can stomach higher costs. It would also take a toll on Big Pharma and biotech sectors which have operated in a lucrative environment of low taxes, low regulation, and sizable pricing power. The US government has enormous negotiating power in the market, especially over home care, hospitals, nursing homes, and prescription drugs. Private and public investment are roughly evenly split, with public money dominating health care research and private money dominating structures and equipment. The government accounts for about 40% of total drug spending and both political parties believe this influence should be used to keep costs down, as public opinion is increasingly dissatisfied with high drug costs.7 There is a lot more to be said about the US health care system. A risk of Biden’s health reform is that it will increase the demand for health services without arranging for consummate increases in supply. In this sense it is inflationary. Investment Takeaways Health care stocks and each of the health care sub-sectors – pharmaceuticals, biotech, managed health care, facilities, and equipment – underperformed the S&P500 index amid the passage of Obamacare from March 23 to November 20, 2010. Within the sector, managed health care (health insurance) and biotech suffered most when the legislation first hit while facilities and equipment suffered most over the whole legislative episode. Once the law took full effect in 2014-15, equipment and managed health care outperformed, facilities were flat, and pharma and biotech underperformed. A look at the performance of the health care sector relative to the S&P 500 over the past 13 years shows that the sector rallied on President Obama’s victories in 2008, fell during the passage of Obamacare, staged a recovery that continued through the Supreme Court’s decision to uphold the new law in June of 2012, and then dropped off (Chart 12 A). Health stocks benefited from the global macro backdrop from 2011-15. After 2015, when Obamacare took full effect, the business cycle entered its later stage, and populism emerged (with Sanders threatening a government takeover and Trump firing up the cyclical economy), health care stocks underperformed the market. Chart 12AHealth Sector's Response To Obamacare Saga Health Sector's Response To Obamacare Saga Health Sector's Response To Obamacare Saga Subsequent rallies have occurred, notably on the outbreak of COVID-19, but have not been sustainable. When Republicans failed to repeal Obamacare, when various crises gave defensive plays a tailwind, when Biden won the Democratic nomination over Sanders or Warren, and when the pandemic arose, the sector surged, often due to risk aversion in financial markets. In the end the negative trend reasserted itself as the combination of rising risk sentiment and policy headwinds outweighed the underlying demographic tailwind for earnings as society aged. Since the Democratic sweep of government in the 2020 elections the sector is testing new lows in relative performance. Pharmaceuticals charted a similar course to the overall health sector but never regained their pre-Obamacare peak in relative performance. They have underperformed again and again since the rise of Bernie Sanders and are today touching new lows (Chart 12B). Chart 12BBig Pharma's Response To Obamacare Saga Big Pharma's Response To Obamacare Saga Big Pharma's Response To Obamacare Saga A closer look at the sector since the 2020 election and especially the Democratic victory in the Senate shows that it continues to underperform the broad market. Facilities are the most resilient, pharma and biotech are trying to find a bottom, and equipment and managed health care have sold off. Relative to the health care sector, equipment and facilities are the outperformers but, again, pharma and biotech are trying to bottom (Chart 13). These results make sense as Biden’s biggest policy impact will be to stimulate demand for health care facilities and equipment while constraining profits for Big Insurance and Big Pharma via the public insurance option and allowing Medicare to negotiate drug prices. Thus equipment and facilities benefit from the political environment, pharma and biotech should be monitored to see if they break down to new lows on the passage of legislation, and managed health care gets the short end of the stick. Our US Equity Strategy service is neutral on the sector as a whole, overweight equipment, and underweight pharma. Chart 13Health Care Sector Response To Biden's Democratic Sweep Health Care Sector Response To Biden's Democratic Sweep Health Care Sector Response To Biden's Democratic Sweep Putting it all together, health care stocks are good candidates for a short-term, tactical bounce when the exuberant stock rally suffers a correction but they are not yet candidates for strategic investments. They are not likely to find a bottom until Biden’s policies are passed, or the pro-cyclical macro backdrop has changed. Biden’s policies are high priority for his party and face low legislative and political hurdles to passage, yet will have a huge impact on the relevant industries – undercutting the private health insurance customer base and capping the profits of America’s drug makers. These changes will have long-term ramifications so they are not likely to be fully discounted yet. Previously health care firms had huge pricing power – they could charge whatever they wanted while they did not face the full might of the government in setting prices – but going forward that will change. Biotech and pharma have large profit margins that are exposed to this policy shift so they are exposed to further downside – we would not be bottom-feeders. Moreover pharmaceuticals make up 28% of the health sector while biotech makes up 13%, so that these sectors will weigh down the whole sector. One would think that health care would outperform during a global pandemic – and most sectors did see a big bounce during the height of the COVID-19 outbreak. But the pandemic has created the impetus for a stimulus splurge that has fired up the cyclical parts of the economy. It has also underscored the industry’s public role and undercut its profit-making capabilities, not least by producing a Democratic sweep bent on improving US health outcomes – at the expense of US health industry profits. In sum, from a tactical point of view, health care stocks are well-positioned for a near-term rally in relative performance but from a strategic point of view they continue to face policy headwinds and should be underweighted relative to the broad S&P 500. Tactically, stay short the managed health care sub-sector relative to the S&P 500 (Chart 14). Strategically, go long health care facilities and equipment relative to the health care sector. Chart 14Health Stocks Outlook Under Biden Administration Health Stocks Outlook Under Biden Administration Health Stocks Outlook Under Biden Administration     Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com   Appendix Table A1APolitical Capital: White House And Congress Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Table A1BPolitical Capital: Household And Business Sentiment Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Table A1CPolitical Capital: The Economy And Markets Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Table A2Political Risk Matrix Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Table A3Biden’s Cabinet Position Appointments Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy Don't Forget Biden's Health Care Policy           Footnotes 1     During the election crisis [of 1876], Kentucky Democrat Henry Watterson urged that “a hundred thousand petitioners” and “ten thousand unarmed Kentuckians” go to Washington to see that justice was done. Years later, when he was sitting next to [Ulysses S.] Grant at a dinner party, Watterson told him, “I have a bone to pick with you.” “Well, what is it?” asked Grant. “You remember in 1876,” said Watterson, “when it was said I was coming to Washington at the head of a regiment, and you said you would hang me if I came.” “Oh, no,” cried Grant, “I never said that.” “I am glad to hear it,” smiled Watterson. “I like you better than ever.” “But,” added Grant drily, “I would, if you had come.” See Paul F. Boller, Jr, Presidential Campaigns: From George Washington To George W. Bush (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004 [1984]), p. 141. 2     See Jeremy Samuel Faust, Harlan M. Krumholz, and Chengan Du, “All-Cause Excess Mortality and COVID-19-Related Mortality Among US Adults Aged 25-44 Years, March-July 2020,” Journal of the American Medical Association, December 16, 2020, jamanetwork.com. 3    The death of Senator Edward Kennedy forced the Democrats to use reconciliation for the second part of President Obama’s health care reform, the Healthcare and Education Reconciliation Act of 2010.  4    Currently the Medicaid rebate cap is set at 100% of the cost of making a drug. Other provisions would include a boost for rural health care services (a partial reallocation of headline COVID relief funds) and an expansion of Obamacare tax credits and subsidies for unemployed workers to keep their former employer-provided insurance. These are mainly COVID relief measures rather than aspects of Biden’s long-term health agenda. See Julie Rovner, “KHN’s ‘What the Health?’: All About Budget Reconciliation,” Kaiser Family Foundation, February 11, 2021, khn.org; see also Nick Hut, “A look at some of the healthcare-specific provisions in the pending COVID-19 relief legislation,” Healthcare Financial Management Association, February 10, 2021, hfma.org. 5    For the CBO’s original report on repeal, see “Budgetary and Economic Effects of Repealing the Affordable Care Act,” Congressional Budget Office, June 19, 2015, cbo.gov. More recently see Paul N. Van de Water, “Affordable Care Act Still Reduces Deficits, Despite Tax Repeals,” Center for Budget and Policy Priorities, January 9, 2020, cbpp.org. 6    See BCA Global Investment Strategy, “The Fed’s Dilemma,” May 12, 2017 and “Four Key Questions On The 2018 Global Growth Outlook,” January 5, 2018, bcaresearch.com. Regarding the debate around Obamacare, promoters highlight the recovery in US growth and jobs – including full-time jobs and small-business jobs – by 2015. Critics say the recovery would have been stronger if not for the law. See e.g. Casey B. Mulligan, “Has Obamacare Been Good for the Economy?” Manhattan Institute, Issues Brief, June 27, 2016, manhattan-institute.org; Cathy Schoen, “The Affordable Care Act and the U.S. Economy: A Five-Year Perspective,” Commonwealth Fund, February 2016, commonwealthfund.org. 7     Republican Senator Chuck Grassley co-sponsored a bill with his Democratic counterpart Ron Wyden of Oregon that would penalize drug companies that raised drug prices faster than inflation. In a separate bill with Senator Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota, he also proposed to prevent big name drug companies from paying generic drug-makers to delay the introduction of generics to the market. These bills were not debated on the main floor because then-Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell was unenthused about them but they exemplify the bipartisan consensus on government intervention to push down drug prices.

Last year we created two baskets of stocks to capture the economic reopening theme by constructing a long/short pair trade. This year, we crystallized 21.5% in gains from that pair trade and subsequently reopened it. Today, we take a new angle at the economic reopening theme and pit “Back-To-Work” laggards against leaders. First, we filtered for well-behaved cyclical industries among all the sectors and sub-sectors we cover. We define a well-behaved cyclical industry as one that trailed the SPX from February 19, 2020 to March 23, 2020; and then outpaced the broad market from March 23, 2020 to today (all computations are in relative to SPX terms). Chart 1 How To Play The Reopening Trade Now Using US Equity Baskets How To Play The Reopening Trade Now Using US Equity Baskets Such filtering excluded all of the defensive & cyclical industries that outperformed the market during the recession, and it also excluded those industries that were too damaged by the pandemic and could not recover above the March 23rd trough level (for example, airlines) always in relative terms. The appendix on page 4 has a stylized depiction of our analysis. In total 27 industries survived the filtering. We then computed what is the minimum percentage increase required in order for each group to recover to its February 19 level, and then calculated the difference between that required increase and the one that actually materialized. A positive value signifies that the sector climbed above its February 19 level, whereas a negative value means that the sector still has not recovered. Chart 1 displays the results.  Our rationale is as follows: should the economic recovery and normalization themes continue unabated as we expect, then the risk/reward trade-off of owning the “laggards” is greater than the “overshooters”: the former have ample upside potential left, whereas the latter are already discounting a lot of good news. We deem there is an exploitable opportunity within the reopening theme and today we recommend investors institute a new long reopening industry “laggards”/short “overshooters” pair trade (excluding the GICS1 sectors). Chart 2 How To Play The Reopening Trade Now Using US Equity Baskets How To Play The Reopening Trade Now Using US Equity Baskets Chart 2 plots the ratio of the two baskets against the ISM manufacturing prices paid sub-component and the 10-year US Treasury yield and supports our rationale that the “laggards” have a long runway ahead versus the “overshooters”. Finally, as a proxy for this trade we also include tickers for the largest stock in each sub-sector (excluding GICS1). Laggards: V, BLK, HCA, MCD, HON, AXP, JPM, COP, PSX, MAR, SLB. Overshooters: EMR, BLL, LIN, NUE, UNP, HD, DHI, CAT, MS, J, TSLA, AMAT. We are aware of some minor conflicts between the “Overshooters” and the “Back-To-Work” basket and also versus our current recommendations table, but we still recommend investors put on this trade pair trade. Bottom Line: Institute a new long USES “Laggards” basket/short USES “Overshooters” basket pair trade. Appendix How To Play The Reopening Trade Now Using US Equity Baskets How To Play The Reopening Trade Now Using US Equity Baskets  

A Positive For The Rally A Positive For The Rally In the last week’s Strategy Report we highlighted how the often-heavy-lifting tech sector’s profit growth contribution to calendar 2021 SPX earnings is giving way to other GICS1 industries. Historically, the tech sector commanded the lion’s share of profit explanation for the SPX, but not in 2021. In fact, the S&P IT sector is ranked 4th in terms of contribution to overall SPX profits, behind industrials, financials and consumer discretionary (see chart).  Additionally, the tech sector no longer sports an earnings weight similar to its market cap weight as it has run ahead of itself. This is also the case because the rest of the sectors are playing catch up this year as the US economy is slated to reopen on the back of the herculean inoculation efforts (profit weight and mkt cap weight columns, Table 1). In fact, the metric of market cap weight minus the sector’s earnings weight is a rough valuation measure highlighting that tech stocks are 5x to 10x more expensive than their deep cyclical peers (industrials, materials and energy, last column, Table 1). Bottom Line: A broader-based participation in the equity rally is a healthy backdrop for the cyclical return prospects of the SPX. Table 1 A Positive For The Rally A Positive For The Rally

Closing & Rolling SPY Synthetic Long Closing & Rolling SPY Synthetic Long On the January 12 Insight we recommended investors put on a synthetic long SPY position using March 19th, 2021 long SPY $390/$410 call spread financed by a $340 put for a total debit of $0.8/contract, with a max payout of $20/contract. This options structure enabled us to participate on the melt up and concurrently not deploy a significant amount of capital. Today, this 3-legged option strategy has run a long way to the $6.21/contract mark for a 676% return since inception. Given that these gains accrued in just under a month, we are compelled to monetize them and roll the position over to the June expiry. This time, we are buying June 18th, 2021 long SPY $400/$420 call spread and financing it with a $340 put for a total debit of $0.3/contract. Once again this is a covered position recommendation, meaning that we postpone deploying capital today at $390 on the SPY and would rather go long by June at $340. Were the SPY to continue galloping higher in the next few months we would also participate in the mania via the long call spread segment of this option strategy. Bottom Line: Book healthy gains of $5.41/contract or 676% since inception in our synthetic SPY long position and roll it to June via a $400/$420 call spread financed by a short $340 put for an outflow of $0.3/contract and max payout $20/contract.

Two Portfolio Changes And A Stop Buy Order Two Portfolio Changes And A Stop Buy Order Today we close two high-conviction trades and place a stop buy order for the June 2021 expiry VIX futures as a hedge to the remaining positions. Homebuilders have proven to be more resilient than we expected, especially given the selloff in the bond market. Clearly the US consumer is not concerned about a rebound in rates, at least not yet. Moreover, the looming fiscal stimulus will only facilitate more excesses, even in the residential housing market, as a fresh wave of liquidity will likely more than offset the tightening in monetary conditions. Thus, we have lost confidence in our high-conviction underweight stance in this niche consumer discretionary group and are taking a loss of 11% since inception. The S&P consumer staples sector was a natural high-conviction underweight given our end-2021 4,000 SPX target that we arrived at on the November 9 Special Report. Now that the market is within spitting distance of our target, the risk reward is no longer as favorable as it used to be for this defensive sector. Thus, we are closing this high-conviction trade today for a gain of 8% since inception. Finally, we successfully capitalized on our long VIX futures hedge to the tune of 19% recently, but given that volatility is settling down, it pays to institute a stop buy order for the June 2021 expiry VIX futures near the 25 mark. Bottom Line: Close the S&P consumer staples and the S&P homebuilding high-conviction underweights for 8% and -11% returns, respectively since the December 7 inception; and place a stop buy order for the June 2021 VIX futures at the 25 level.

Overweight The Software Juggernaut Is Intact The Software Juggernaut Is Intact We remain on the sidelines with regard to the broad S&P technology sector, but we continue to recommend a barbell portfolio approach preferring defensive software and services stocks to aggressive hardware and equipment equities. In that light, we reiterate our overweight stance in the key S&P software sub-industry that still commands the highest market cap weight in the tech sector, just shy of 33%. While the overall capex data is sluggish, software capital outlays have recovered smartly and according to national accounts are growing at a 10%/annum pace. Stock market-reported capex confirms that software capital expenditures are on an absolute tear and remain a key pillar of our secular preference for this defensive tech group (see chart). True, there is an element of stealing revenues from the future, but as long-time readers of our publication know we do not believe that SaaS is a fad and the adoption of cloud services remains in the early innings, which will continue to underpin the S&P software index. Bottom Line: Continue to overweight the S&P software index. The ticker symbols for the stocks in this index are: BLBG: S5SOFT – MSFT, ADBE, CRM, ORCL, INTU, NOW, ADSK, ANSS, SNPS, CDNS, FTNT, PAYC, CTXS, NLOK, TYL. For more details, please refer to this Monday’s Strategy Report. ​​​​​​​

Dear client, Next week instead of our regular Strategy Report we will be sending you a Special Report from BCA’s Equity Analyzer service on Inflation and Factor investing penned by my colleague Lucas Laskey, Senior Quantitative Analyst. Finally, on February 22 we will be hosting our quarterly webcast one at 10am EST for North American and EMEA clients and one at 8pm EST for Asia Pacific, Australian and New Zealand clients “From Alpha To Omega With Anastasios”. Mathieu Savary, who heads our Daily Insights service, will be our special guest in the morning webcast. On March 1 we will resume our regular publication schedule. Kind Regards, Anastasios Highlights Portfolio Strategy China’s engineered economic deceleration, the knee jerk US dollar bounce along with signs of soft US capital expenditures entice us to protect our deep cyclicals versus defensives portfolio gains and institute a 2.5% rolling stop to this share price ratio. Rising relative capital outlays, firming software pricing power and an M&A frenzy more than offset the negative relative profit signal from our models that sell side analysts already anticipate. Continue to overweight the S&P software index.  Recent Changes Last Tuesday we closed out our VIX futures hedge for a gain of 19% since the December 7, 2020 inception. Last Wednesday we re-initiated our long “Back-To-Work”/short “COVID-19 Winners” pair trade. Feature Equity volatility settled down last week following a ferocious ten-day SPX oscillation that sent the VIX soaring to roughly 38 near the peak at the end of January, courtesy of the GME/Wallstreetbets (WSB) saga before collapsing back down near 21 last week. Chart 1 shows that this was likely an equity-only event: both risk off currencies – the yen and the franc – actually fell versus the USD, junk bond spreads barely budged and the vol curve violently inverted, a move that more often than not signals that complacency has morphed into panic. Importantly, when the Fed embarks on active QE the SPX drawdown maxes out at 10% based on empirical evidence, including the recent September/October 10% drawdown. Using the ES futures low hit two Sundays ago, the S&P 500 experienced a 5.3% peak-to-trough pullback well within the range of previous Fed active QE iterations. As a reminder, the 2010 and 2011, 17% and 20% respective drawdowns took root after the Fed had concluded QE1 and QE2 operations. The implication is that for a more significant drawdown to materialize, likely the Fed has to end the current QE operation and reinject some volatility in the bond markets (bottom panel, Chart 1).  Isolating the true signal from all this noise, convinced us to book handsome gains to the tune of 19% in our VIX June futures hedge (conservatively assuming that no leverage was used), reinitiate the long “Back-To-Work”/short “COVID-19 Winners” pair trade and put the small cap size bias on our upgrade watch list. As volatility has slowly died down, investors can start to refocus on profit fundamentals. Similar to the steep fall in EPS that the SPX 35% drawdown predicted in March of 2020, in recent research we showed that were we to hold the SPX at current levels, its 12-month rate-of-change would surpass the 61% mark next month and forecast that profit growth would rise by a similar amount. Indeed, sell side analysts’ bottom up earnings estimates corroborate this analysis as quarterly EPS will peter out roughly at a 48% year-over-year (YOY) growth rate next quarter and vault to all-time highs in quarterly level terms in Q3 following a three-year hiatus (Chart 2). Chart 1Equity-only Event Equity-only Event Equity-only Event Chart 2Joined At The Hip Joined At The Hip Joined At The Hip Importantly, the tech sector no longer commands an earnings weight similar to its market cap weight likely because it’s run ahead of itself and also because the rest of the sectors are playing catch up this year as the US economy is slated to reopen on the back of the herculean inoculation efforts (profit weight and mkt cap weight columns, Table 1). Table 1Sector EPS And Market Cap Weights Re-grossing? Re-grossing? This is most evident on the sector contribution to this year's SPX earnings growth. Historically, the tech sector commanded the lion’s share of profit explanation for the SPX, but not in 2021. In fact, the S&P IT sector is ranked 4th in terms of contribution to overall SPX profits, behind industrials, financials and consumer discretionary (Chart 3).   Delving deeper into 12-month forward earnings growth figures is instructive. Table 2 shows our universe of coverage ranked first by GICS1 sector growth rates and then re-ranked per sub-group. As an aside the energy sector’s EPS is slated to contract in calendar 2020 and thus any YOY growth rate figures are rendered useless for the broad sector and the energy sub-industries. Chart 3Sector Contribution To 2021 SPX EPS Growth Re-grossing? Re-grossing? Table 2Identifying S&P 500 Sector EPS Growth Leaders And Laggards Re-grossing? Re-grossing? Our portfolio positioning is well aligned with the sector ranking of EPS growth for the coming year. Put differently, given the havoc that COVID-19 wreaked to the US industrial and service bases it is normal that deep cyclical sectors along with financials and the decimated services-heavy parts of the consumer discretionary sector to occupy the top ranks. In contrast, defensives sectors that were largely COVID-19 beneficiaries (especially health care and consumer staples) are near the bottom of the pit. The sole misalignment is the bombed out real estate sector that we remain overweight (Table 2). Netting it all out, our sense is that the market has successfully navigated a tumultuous two-week period and we reiterate our long-held sanguine 9-12 month cyclical view on the prospects of the S&P 500. This week, we update a defensive tech sub-group and put a tight stop in the cyclicals/defensives portfolio bent in order to protect profits. Risks To The Cyclicals Over Defensives Portfolio Bent Last December we highlighted that China’s four year cycle will peter out in the back half of 2021 and could cause some equity market consternation, with stocks likely sniffing out any trouble likely by the end of Q1/2021. It appears that investors have been sleeping at the wheel and largely distracted by the GME/WSB saga. Not only did they neglect the robust SPX profit season, but they also ignored that something is amiss in China as we first showed last week (please refer to Chart 12 here). Importantly, what worries us most is the transition from China being the primary locomotive of global growth to the US taking the reins in coming quarters. Clearly such a handoff is tumultuous, especially given the recent added risk of a reflex rebound in the greenback that we first warned about on January 12 when we set the cyclicals/defensives ratio on downgrade alert. Subsequently, we upgraded the S&P utilities sector to neutral locking in gains of 15% for the portfolio, and today we decide to institute a 2.5% rolling stop in the cyclicals/defensives portfolio bent, in order to participate on further upside but also protect 16% gains for the portfolio since the July 27, 2020 inception in case of a market relapse. Practically, when the rolling stop gets triggered we will move the cyclicals/defensives bent down to neutral via executing the downgrade alert we have in the S&P materials sector. In more detail, China’s slamming on the brakes is the key risk to cyclicals/defensives. Not only are the Chinese authorities trying to engineer a slowdown with the recent reverse repo operations, but also BCA’s China Monetary Indicator, the selloff in the Chinese sovereign bond market and the cresting in the PBOC’s balance sheet are all corroborating the economic deceleration signal (Chart 4). Chinese total social financing has peaked, the 6-month credit impulse is plunging, and the nosedive in Goldman Sachs’ Chinese current activity indicator (CAI) are all firing warning shots that the economy is slated to slowdown (Chart 5).  Chart 4Everywhere… Everywhere… Everywhere… Chart 5…One Looks… …One Looks… …One Looks… Already both the Chinese manufacturing and services PMIs have hooked down with the manufacturing new orders-to-inventories (NOI) in free fall and export orders in outright contraction. Tack on the reversal in the Citi economic surprise index (ESI) for China and the outlook dims further for US cyclicals/defensives (Chart 6). No wonder Chinese demand for loans has turned the corner, infrastructure spending has topped out and railway freight volumes have ticked down as a direct response to the tightening in Chinese monetary conditions (Chart 7). Chart 6…China… …China… …China… Chart 7…Is Slowing… …Is Slowing… …Is Slowing… Chinese imports flirting with the zero line best capture all this softening in Chinese data and also warns that the US cyclicals/defensives ratio is nearing a zenith (Chart 8). Beyond the dual risk of a counter trend rally in the USD and China’s undeniable deceleration, returning to US shores reveals another source of potential trouble for cyclicals/defensives. Chart 8…Down …Down …Down The US Citi ESI has come back down to earth, and the ISM manufacturing PMI cooled off last month with the NOI ratio flashing red (Chart 9). Importantly, Goldman Sachs’ US CAI is sinking like a stone corroborating that, at the margin, US economic data is softening (Chart 10). Moreover, US capex is in the doldrums courtesy of the collapse in EPS last year that dealt a blow to CEO confidence. Worrisomely, the rollover in the latest capex intentions from regional Fed surveys along with the downbeat NFIB survey’s capital outlays in 6-months component underscore that CEOs remain reluctant to invest (Chart 9). Chart 9Even US Trouble… Even US Trouble… Even US Trouble… Finally, relative valuations have surged to all-time highs leaving no cushion in case of a mishap, while relative technicals are in extreme overbought territory near a level that has marked the commencement of prior relative share price drawdowns (Chart 11). Chart 10…Is Brewing …Is Brewing …Is Brewing Netting it all out, China’s engineered economic deceleration, the knee jerk US dollar bounce along with signs of soft US capital expenditures entice us to protect our deep cyclicals versus defensives portfolio gains and institute a 2.5% rolling stop to this share price ratio. Bottom Line: Prepare to move the cyclicals/defensives portfolio bent back down to neutral from currently overweight. Today we recommend investors establish a 2.5% rolling stop to the cyclicals/defensives relative share price ratio as a risk management tool in order to protect profits. Chart 11Overstretched And Pricey Overstretched And Pricey Overstretched And Pricey Software On The Ascend While we remain on the sidelines with regard to the broad S&P technology sector we continue to recommend a barbell portfolio approach preferring defensive software and services stocks to aggressive hardware and equipment equities. In that light, we reiterate our overweight stance in the key S&P software sub-industry that still commands the highest market cap weight in the tech sector just shy of 33%. While overall capex is sluggish as we highlighted above, software capital outlays have recovered smartly and according to national accounts are growing at a 10%/annum pace. Stock market-reported capex confirms that software capital expenditures are on an absolute tear and remain a key pillar of our secular preference for this defensive tech group (Chart 12). On the sales front, COVID-19 accelerated the push to the cloud and 2020 has been a bumper year for industry sales. True there is an element of stealing revenues from the future, but as long-time readers of our publication know we do not believe that SaaS is a fad and the adoption of cloud services remains in the early innings. Impressively, while relative forward top line growth expectations have rolled over, the attempt of the software price deflator to exit deflation suggests that software stocks will easily surpass this lowered revenue bar in coming quarters (Chart 13). Chart 12Primary Capex Beneficiary Primary Capex Beneficiary Primary Capex Beneficiary Amidst the IPO frenzy that has captured investors’ imagination especially given the spectacular increases in both SNOW and PLTR (neither of which is in the SPX yet), software M&A fever remains as high as ever. This constant reduction of software stock supply, coupled with the insatiable appetite of software executives to aggressively retire equity, signals that software equity prices will remain well bid (Chart 14). Chart 13Software Tries To Exit Deflation Software Tries To Exit Deflation Software Tries To Exit Deflation Chart 14Positive Share Price Dynamics Positive Share Price Dynamics Positive Share Price Dynamics Nevertheless, our relative EPS growth models are waving a yellow flag. The SPX is slated to grow profits north of 25% this year, but according to our profit models software will only manage to grow in the single digits, thus trailing the broad market by a wide margin. Encouragingly, this grim relative profit growth backdrop is already reflected in depressed sell side analysts’ forecasts (Chart 15). Finally, while relative valuations are still lofty they recently have corrected back to one standard deviation above the historical mean. Similarly, relative technicals have worked off overbought conditions and have settled down near the recent historical average (Chart 16). Chart 15Risks… Risks… Risks… In sum, rising relative capital outlays, firming software pricing power and an M&A frenzy more than offset the negative relative profit signal from our models that sell side analysts already anticipate. Bottom Line: Continue to overweight the S&P software index. The ticker symbols for the stocks in this index are: BLBG: S5SOFT – MSFT, ADBE, CRM, ORCL, INTU, NOW, ADSK, ANSS, SNPS, CDNS, FTNT, PAYC, CTXS, NLOK, TYL. Chart 16…To Monitor …To Monitor …To Monitor   Anastasios Avgeriou US Equity Strategist anastasios@bcaresearch.com Current Recommendations Current Trades Strategic (10-Year) Trade Recommendations Overdose? Overdose? Size And Style Views January 12, 2021  Stay neutral small over large caps July 27, 2020 Overweight cyclicals over defensives (2.5% rolling stop) June 11, 2018 Long the BCA Millennial basket  The ticker symbols are: (AAPL, AMZN, UBER, HD, LEN, MSFT, NFLX, SPOT, ABNB, V). January 22, 2018 Favor value over growth

Goldilocks And The Three Bears Goldilocks And The Three Bears The S&P 500 is clawing back its losses after it hiccupped last week correcting approximately 5% from peak-to-trough as the dust from the GME/WSB saga is settling down. As we showed in this Monday’s Strategy Report, there is a natural monetary tightening occurring via the financial markets that is likely to test the Fed’s resolve. Namely, whenever all three assets, the US dollar, the 10-year US Treasury, and crude oil rise together, the SPX suffers a pullback (see chart). Year-to-date, two out of these three variables are firing warning shots, and given rising odds of a US dollar reversal, the tightening trio is signaling at least some equity market indigestion. Bottom Line: The simultaneous rise in the US dollar, the 10-year US Treasury yield, and crude oil all signal that equity investors should stay vigilant.

We recommend investors monetize gains in the hedge we first recommended on December 7, 2020 in the form of VIX June futures, for a gain of 19% since inception, assuming conservatively that no leverage was used in executing this hedge. While the GME/Wallstreetbets saga has yet to fully play out, three reasons underpin our decision. First, this appears to be an equity only event as both USDJPY and USDCHF foreign exchange pairs went up last Wednesday and Friday. In a traditional “risk off” phase, the yen and the franc would spike versus the greenback not selloff. Second, during periods of active Fed QE the broad equity market has never fallen more than 10% from respective peaks. Using the Sunday night low for ES futures results in a 5.3% peak to trough fall for the broad market, well in the range of previous active Fed QE pullbacks. Finally, the spot VIX has jumped from 21 to a recent peak of 38, likely reflecting a lot of negative news. Spot VIX with a current (as we went to press) 33 handle implies that in the next 30 days the S&P 500 will either fall or rise by roughly 10% and vault to all-time highs or sink back to 3400. While the jury is still out on how this short squeeze phase will play out, a steeply inverted vol curve last week also signaled that the worst is likely behind us (see chart). Bottom Line: Crystalize 19% gains since inception in the VIX futures hedge, but stay vigilant. Book Gains In VIX Futures Book Gains In VIX Futures    

In last week’s US Sector Insight we showed how TSLA’s inclusion in the S&P 500 pushed consumer discretionary 5-year forward EPS growth into the stratosphere. We then dove deeper into this GICS1 sectors in this Monday’s Strategy Report and downgraded the S&P automobiles & components index to underweight. On the profit front, a wide gap has opened between relative share prices and relative forward EPS, which suggests that high-flying auto stocks will soon stop defying gravity (Chart 1). At the same time, technicals are also waving a red flag: the S&P autos & components relative annualized 13-week rate of change clocked in at over 250%/annum, steeply diverging from relative net EPS revisions (Chart 2). Chart 1Shy Away From Cult Stocks Shy Away From Cult Stocks Shy Away From Cult Stocks Chart 2Shy Away From Cult Stocks Shy Away From Cult Stocks Shy Away From Cult Stocks   Given that auto manufacturing is a cutthroat business with razor thin margins and that other Japanese, German and Chinese BEV manufacturers are entering the scene (for example VW Group outsold TSLA last year by a factor of over 3-to-1 in Norway, which is the most advanced BEV market), we doubt that prices will sustain their divergence from profits for much longer. Bottom Line: We trimmed the S&P automobiles & components index to underweight. The ticker symbols for the stocks in this index are: BLBG: S5AUCO – TSLA, GM, F, APTV, BWA.